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What is the primary purpose of the BRICS alliance as indicated by its member states?
  • a)
    To promote Western economic dominance
  • b)
    To counter the economic and political dominance of Western nations
  • c)
    To establish a single currency among BRICS countries
  • d)
    To strengthen military alliances among member states
Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
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What is the primary purpose of the BRICS alliance as indicated by its ...
The BRICS alliance, which includes Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, primarily aims to counter the economic and political dominance of Western nations. This goal is reflected in their collective actions, such as promoting intra-BRICS trade and investment, and advocating for a multipolar world order that provides greater representation for developing countries in global institutions. The alliance seeks to enhance economic resilience by reducing reliance on Western financial systems, thereby fostering a more balanced global economic landscape.
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Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.Federalism in India reminds one of the grinning Cheshire cat in Alice in Wonderland. At one point the cat disappears and all that remains is the grin, an enigmatic trace of doubtful significance. Federalism is such a vanishing act. The truth, however, is that there never has been a serious principled constituency for federalism in India.Four things sustain federalism. But, in retrospect, they turned out to be very contingent political foundations for federalism. The first was a genuine concern about whether a centralised state could accommodate India’s linguistic and cultural diversity. The States Reorganisation Act and the compromises on the issue of languages was a victory for federalism. It allowed India to use federalism to accommodate linguistic diversity.The second underpinning of federalism is actual distribution of political power. The rise of coalition governments, economic liberalisation, regional parties, seemed to provide propitious ground for political federalism. But one must not overestimate the commitment to federalism in that period of fragmentation. Political federalism is quite compatible with financial, and administrative centralisation. But what fragmentation of power effectively meant was that each state could bargain for certain things; or very strong leaders could veto central proposals.The third thing that sustains federalism is the political and institutional culture. But the culture of political parties ruling at the Centre was committed to the most extreme interpretation of flexible federalism, including procedural impropriety to oust opponents. Because of the increasing presidentialisation of national politics, a single-party dominance with powerful messaging power, and change in forms of communication, the attribution of policy successes or failures might change, diminishing the stature of chief ministers considerably. The other source of institutional culture might be the Supreme Court.The fourth thing that sustained federalism was what Louise Tillin has brilliantly analysed as “asymmetrical federalism” — special exemptions given to various states. But asymmetrical federalism has always been subject to three pressures. For Kashmir, asymmetrical federalism came to be seen as the source, not the resolution, of the security threat. Even in the North-east, local conflicts within the scheme of asymmetrical federalism and a discourse of security allowed the Centre to step in.Q. Which of the following could be considered the advantage of federalism and decentralization?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.Federalism in India reminds one of the grinning Cheshire cat in Alice in Wonderland. At one point the cat disappears and all that remains is the grin, an enigmatic trace of doubtful significance. Federalism is such a vanishing act. The truth, however, is that there never has been a serious principled constituency for federalism in India.Four things sustain federalism. But, in retrospect, they turned out to be very contingent political foundations for federalism. The first was a genuine concern about whether a centralised state could accommodate India’s linguistic and cultural diversity. The States Reorganisation Act and the compromises on the issue of languages was a victory for federalism. It allowed India to use federalism to accommodate linguistic diversity.The second underpinning of federalism is actual distribution of political power. The rise of coalition governments, economic liberalisation, regional parties, seemed to provide propitious ground for political federalism. But one must not overestimate the commitment to federalism in that period of fragmentation. Political federalism is quite compatible with financial, and administrative centralisation. But what fragmentation of power effectively meant was that each state could bargain for certain things; or very strong leaders could veto central proposals.The third thing that sustains federalism is the political and institutional culture. But the culture of political parties ruling at the Centre was committed to the most extreme interpretation of flexible federalism, including procedural impropriety to oust opponents. Because of the increasing presidentialisation of national politics, a single-party dominance with powerful messaging power, and change in forms of communication, the attribution of policy successes or failures might change, diminishing the stature of chief ministers considerably. The other source of institutional culture might be the Supreme Court.The fourth thing that sustained federalism was what Louise Tillin has brilliantly analysed as “asymmetrical federalism” — special exemptions given to various states. But asymmetrical federalism has always been subject to three pressures. For Kashmir, asymmetrical federalism came to be seen as the source, not the resolution, of the security threat. Even in the North-east, local conflicts within the scheme of asymmetrical federalism and a discourse of security allowed the Centre to step in.Q. Which of the following is not a feature of fragmentation of power under political federalism?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.Federalism in India reminds one of the grinning Cheshire cat in Alice in Wonderland. At one point the cat disappears and all that remains is the grin, an enigmatic trace of doubtful significance. Federalism is such a vanishing act. The truth, however, is that there never has been a serious principled constituency for federalism in India.Four things sustain federalism. But, in retrospect, they turned out to be very contingent political foundations for federalism. The first was a genuine concern about whether a centralised state could accommodate India’s linguistic and cultural diversity. The States Reorganisation Act and the compromises on the issue of languages was a victory for federalism. It allowed India to use federalism to accommodate linguistic diversity.The second underpinning of federalism is actual distribution of political power. The rise of coalition governments, economic liberalisation, regional parties, seemed to provide propitious ground for political federalism. But one must not overestimate the commitment to federalism in that period of fragmentation. Political federalism is quite compatible with financial, and administrative centralisation. But what fragmentation of power effectively meant was that each state could bargain for certain things; or very strong leaders could veto central proposals.The third thing that sustains federalism is the political and institutional culture. But the culture of political parties ruling at the Centre was committed to the most extreme interpretation of flexible federalism, including procedural impropriety to oust opponents. Because of the increasing presidentialisation of national politics, a single-party dominance with powerful messaging power, and change in forms of communication, the attribution of policy successes or failures might change, diminishing the stature of chief ministers considerably. The other source of institutional culture might be the Supreme Court.The fourth thing that sustained federalism was what Louise Tillin has brilliantly analysed as “asymmetrical federalism” — special exemptions given to various states. But asymmetrical federalism has always been subject to three pressures. For Kashmir, asymmetrical federalism came to be seen as the source, not the resolution, of the security threat. Even in the North-east, local conflicts within the scheme of asymmetrical federalism and a discourse of security allowed the Centre to step in.Q. Consider the following statements and choose the best option.I. Presidentialisation of national politics is against the spirit of Indian federalism.II. The concentration of power around political leaders in democratic political systems affect the idea of parliamentary form of government.

Direction: Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below:In the run-up to the annual Spring Meetings of the World Bank and the IMF in the second week of April, there was much talk that the two organisations were on the cusp of change. Multiple crises are demanding attention from the international community. But these institutions, once central players in the management of the international economic order, seem to have little to offer as effective managers in the current conjuncture. Hence the need for change. Two factors account for their loss of significance or even descent into irrelevance. The first is that these dominant multilateral bodies once accounted for a significant share of the cross-border flows of finance from the capitalist North to the Global South but are now minor players in the global movement of capital. The share of yield-seeking or even predatory private capital in total flows has increased enormously as the distribution of the surpluses generated globally concentrate in the hands of these private players rather than in the hands of governments, including those in high-income countries. The second is that even the surpluses that remain in the hands of public players are no more concentrated with G7 governments but are spread across governments of countries outside the North, varying from the oil exporters to the now dominant or newly emerging global-manufacturing hubs, especially an increasingly combative China. The Bretton Woods twins, established at a time when the international order looked very different, have a structure of governance and decision-making (dominated by the G7, especially the US) that does not correspond to the current distribution of global economic (even if not military) power.These dissonant features have developed at a time when the need for multilateral action is urgent, given multiple global challenges. External debt crises overwhelm a large number of low- and middle-income countries that accumulated excess debt during the years when high-income-country governments and central banks injected cheap liquidity into the international system and the COVID pandemic and the spike in food and fuel prices pushed poorer countries into soaking up that liquidity. The result is debt stress and widespread default. With a fragmented creditor community unable to offer viable paths to resolution, adjustment in countries overwhelmed by debt is forcing austerity on populations least able to bear more burdens.Q.What is the primary reason for the mismatch between the governance structure of the World Bank and IMF and the current distribution of global economic power?

Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.Federalism in India reminds one of the grinning Cheshire cat in Alice in Wonderland. At one point the cat disappears and all that remains is the grin, an enigmatic trace of doubtful significance. Federalism is such a vanishing act. The truth, however, is that there never has been a serious principled constituency for federalism in India.Four things sustain federalism. But, in retrospect, they turned out to be very contingent political foundations for federalism. The first was a genuine concern about whether a centralised state could accommodate India’s linguistic and cultural diversity. The States Reorganisation Act and the compromises on the issue of languages was a victory for federalism. It allowed India to use federalism to accommodate linguistic diversity.The second underpinning of federalism is actual distribution of political power. The rise of coalition governments, economic liberalisation, regional parties, seemed to provide propitious ground for political federalism. But one must not overestimate the commitment to federalism in that period of fragmentation. Political federalism is quite compatible with financial, and administrative centralisation. But what fragmentation of power effectively meant was that each state could bargain for certain things; or very strong leaders could veto central proposals.The third thing that sustains federalism is the political and institutional culture. But the culture of political parties ruling at the Centre was committed to the most extreme interpretation of flexible federalism, including procedural impropriety to oust opponents. Because of the increasing presidentialisation of national politics, a single-party dominance with powerful messaging power, and change in forms of communication, the attribution of policy successes or failures might change, diminishing the stature of chief ministers considerably. The other source of institutional culture might be the Supreme Court.The fourth thing that sustained federalism was what Louise Tillin has brilliantly analysed as “asymmetrical federalism” — special exemptions given to various states. But asymmetrical federalism has always been subject to three pressures. For Kashmir, asymmetrical federalism came to be seen as the source, not the resolution, of the security threat. Even in the North-east, local conflicts within the scheme of asymmetrical federalism and a discourse of security allowed the Centre to step in.Q. Based on your understanding of the passage, the real success of federalism in India can be attributed to

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What is the primary purpose of the BRICS alliance as indicated by its member states?a) To promote Western economic dominanceb) To counter the economic and political dominance of Western nationsc) To establish a single currency among BRICS countriesd) To strengthen military alliances among member statesCorrect answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
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What is the primary purpose of the BRICS alliance as indicated by its member states?a) To promote Western economic dominanceb) To counter the economic and political dominance of Western nationsc) To establish a single currency among BRICS countriesd) To strengthen military alliances among member statesCorrect answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? for CLAT 2025 is part of CLAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the CLAT exam syllabus. Information about What is the primary purpose of the BRICS alliance as indicated by its member states?a) To promote Western economic dominanceb) To counter the economic and political dominance of Western nationsc) To establish a single currency among BRICS countriesd) To strengthen military alliances among member statesCorrect answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for CLAT 2025 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for What is the primary purpose of the BRICS alliance as indicated by its member states?a) To promote Western economic dominanceb) To counter the economic and political dominance of Western nationsc) To establish a single currency among BRICS countriesd) To strengthen military alliances among member statesCorrect answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?.
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