Caste, Religion & Ethinicity in Indian Politics - 2 | PSIR Optional for UPSC (Notes) PDF Download

Introduction

The caste system and democratic political system, in theory, represent contrasting values. While the caste system is hierarchical and determines an individual's status by birth with religious sanctions, the democratic political system advocates for individual freedom and equality. The Indian Constitution, a democratic system, aims to establish liberty, equality, and fraternity among all citizens. However, politics do not operate in isolation and are influenced by prevailing social forces, including caste. Politics involve the distribution of political power and resources, as well as governance and conflict resolution. In a democratic system, people elect their representatives and express their needs and expectations for themselves and their communities. Political leaders, being part of these social forces, must consider them while making decisions. 

• Despite being influenced by societal forces, politics can introduce new values and institutions that challenge traditional social order and power structures. Competitive politics, like elections, can weaken caste cohesiveness by encouraging individuals from the same group to compete for political positions. Consequently, both the caste system and political system influence each other.
• Since India became a republic in 1950, all adult citizens have the right to vote and contest elections. This has empowered various social groups, who were previously deprived of political power, to compete with traditionally dominant power elites. The Indian state has also undertaken social and economic programs that have disrupted traditional social ties and monopoly of privileges, replacing the caste-based judiciary system with a state judiciary system.

Caste System in India: An Overview

• Definition and Origin: Caste, derived from the Indian word "Jati", refers to a social stratum based on one's birth. It has different implications for Hindus and non-Hindus. For Hindus, one's Jati is determined by their Karma (deeds) in their previous birth, while for non-Hindus, it is a social stratum without religious sanction.
• Variations in Meaning: The meaning of Jati varies depending on the context and purpose for which it is used. It can have a specific social meaning in village societies, where it identifies one's place in the social order.
• Interactions and Identity: In a village setting, one's Jati may be used to identify oneself in various social interactions, such as inter-dining, political party meetings, or government-sponsored programs. For example, a person may identify themselves as Khant in their village, Kshatriya in a political context, and OBC (Other Backward Caste) while dealing with government offices.
• Caste in Different Contexts: The importance and meaning of one's Jati may vary in different situations, such as kinship and matrimonial relationships, economic interactions, and political purposes. People may not necessarily have the same understanding of their Jati when voting for local or national elections.
• Subjectivity and Context: Caste is a subjective category, and the social construct of caste by actors and observers varies from one context to another. Therefore, it is challenging to provide a precise definition of caste that is applicable in all situations.

Caste System: Main Features and Dynamic Relationship

1. Hierarchy: The caste system's core element is hierarchy, including status, values, customs, and behavior based on purity and impurity. This impacts interpersonal relationships, occupation, and rituals, which are divided into pure and impure categories.
2. Commensurity: Each Hindu must maintain relationships and interactions within their restricted Jati circle, which helps maintain purity in marriage, food exchange, and occupation.
3. Restrictions on marriage: Most Jatis practice endogamy, meaning members can only marry within their own caste. However, restrictions have become more flexible over time, with some cases of inter-caste marriages becoming more common.
4. Hereditary occupation: Traditionally, caste members follow specific occupations based on their caste. However, this concept has been changing due to various factors such as economic development and political power.

Dynamic Relationship
The caste system has never been static throughout history, and changes occur due to social, economic, and political circumstances. The process of sanskritisation, where lower castes imitate upper-caste customs, has been prominent in the past but has slowed down in recent times. Castes now focus more on improving their economic condition rather than strictly observing rituals.

• In the past, there was competition among castes to avoid being called "backward." However, now many castes seek to be classified as "backward" to obtain material benefits provided by the State. This shift has made social status based on rituals increasingly redundant.
• Additionally, traditional rules regarding not accepting food from lower caste members have weakened, particularly in urban areas. The political elites now often take food with lower caste members to gain broader support.
• Lastly, while most Jatis practice endogamy, marriage circles have been expanding in some castes due to factors like education and urbanization. Inter-caste marriages, though still exceptions, have become somewhat more common among upper and middle castes.

Regional Variations in Caste Structure

1. Hierarchy and Interaction at Different Levels: Caste structure in terms of hierarchy and boundaries for interaction between social groups is more identifiable at the village level than at regional or national levels. This makes it difficult to draw an empirically-based macro picture of castes at the national level.
2. Regional Differences in Caste Development: Caste structure has not developed uniformly across all regions of the sub-continent. For example, Assam has a looser caste structure with less rigid hierarchy compared to Uttar Pradesh or Bihar. The observance of caste-specific rules also varies between regions.
3. Variation in Number of Castes: The number of castes varies across regions, with Gujarat having more castes than West Bengal. Different historical experiences and uneven economic development have contributed to shaping the present-day socio-political processes in different regions.
4. Land Tenure Systems and Dominance: Some regions had zamindari (landlord) and some had ryotwari (peasant) land tenure systems, which influenced the dominance of certain castes. For example, Rajputs in Rajasthan and Brahmins in Tamil Nadu were dominant, while Marathas in Maharashtra and Patidars in Gujarat were dominant among farmer and peasant castes.
5. Numerical Strength and Spread of Castes: All castes do not have uniform numerical strength and spread. Some have larger member populations, while others are very small. Some are scattered throughout a region, while others are concentrated in specific geographical pockets. This results in the role and position of caste in relation to politics varying across time, area, and caste.

Caste and Class: The Relationship Between Hierarchies and Economic Status

• Theories of Caste System Origin: Caste system, which some scholars argue is essentially a class system, has various theories regarding its origin. Some believe that the system was created by a divine power for maintaining harmony in society, while others argue that it evolved with the development of economic surplus, economic divisions, or was created by invaders to subjugate local tribal populations.
• Village Studies: Overlap Between Caste and Land Hierarchies: Post-independence village studies in India show a certain amount of overlap between caste and land hierarchies. M.N. Srinivas observes that the caste at the top had power and privileges, which were denied to the lower castes. The lower castes mainly served as tenants, servants, landless labourers, debtors, and clients of the higher castes.
• Tamilnadu Village Study: Caste and Economic Status: A study in two Tamilnadu villages by Sivkumar and Shivkumar in the late 1970s showed that 59% of Mudaliyars (upper castes) and 4% of Pali (untouchable castes) were rich peasants or landlord households. No Mudaliyar was engaged as an agricultural laborer, whereas 42% of Pali households were.
• Rajasthan Village Study: Caste and Class Distribution: K.L.Sharma's study of six Rajasthan villages in the 1970s showed a similar pattern. “Only 12.5% of the lower class households belong to upper castes, 60% of the higher class households belong to the upper castes, 24% of the upper castes belong to the higher class, whereas among the intermediate and lower castes only 6.2% and 1.3% belong to high class respectively.”
• Anthropological Survey of India: Findings on Caste and Economic Status: The Anthropological Survey of India studied 4635 communities/castes and confirmed that highly placed castes are marked by a higher position in the socio-ritual hierarchy, better control over land and other resources, and non-commercial relations with other communities of inferior status. The low castes are placed at the bottom due to their poverty, socio-ritual degradation, and traditional engagement in occupations considered ritually unclean.
• National Sample Survey: Caste and Occupation Data: The National Sample Survey (NSS) data from 1952, analyzed by K.N.Raj, shows that there is a positive relationship between caste and occupational status. Small and marginal farmers and agricultural laborers mainly belong to the low or backward castes and ex-untouchable (scheduled) castes.
• Diversification of Occupations and Exceptions: There is a marginal diversification of occupations among the members of low and the lowest castes in rural areas. However, it is important to note that a small proportion of lower and scheduled caste households are rich peasants. The reverse is also true, with a small percentage of upper and middle castes working as agricultural laborers. Also, some upper castes in certain regions do not belong to the upper class, such as the Rajputs of Gujarat.

Table 1: Occupational Distribution of Different Caste-Groups ++ Among Hindu Rural Households

Notes: Figures in brackets represent percentage of All-India average in each case.

Main Categories of Farming Occupations

• Farmer: This is an individual who cultivates their own land primarily using hired labor. They are responsible for planting, harvesting, and managing the agricultural process on their property.
• Cultivator: A cultivator is a person who primarily cultivates land owned by them, and sometimes also land taken on lease or through a sharecropping system. They typically work with the help of other household members and occasionally hire additional labor.
• Sharecropper: A sharecropper is someone who primarily takes up cultivation of land owned by others on a sharecropping basis. They cultivate the land without hiring any labor and share the profits from the harvest with the landowner.
• Agricultural laborer: This category includes individuals who work on others' land, either for wages or customary payments. They may be involved in various tasks related to agriculture, such as wood cutting, plantation labor, gardening, fishing, animal breeding, and cattle grazing.
• Additionally, there are households in the rural sector engaged in various non-farming occupations such as administrative and professional services, teaching, medicine, manufacturing (especially food products and textiles), trade and commerce, transport and communication, construction and sanitation, and mining.

Within the farming occupations, the National Sample Survey (NSS) classifies castes into three groups: the upper castes, who traditionally wear the sacred thread; the middle castes, who are traditionally allowed to give water to Brahmins; and the lower castes, who are not scheduled and do not fall into the previous two categories.

Stratification Within Caste

The industrialization and expansion of the market economy in rural areas have significantly impacted the traditional occupations of various castes in India. Many individuals from different castes have abandoned their traditional occupations, leading to a diversification of occupations within castes. This phenomenon was observed as early as the 1950s in various parts of the country.

• There are still several castes, mainly among Scheduled Castes and numerically small Other Backward Castes, where most members have similar economic conditions and are primarily engaged in manual labor. However, several castes are also internally stratified, leading to different levels of economic differentiation among them.
• Three types of economic differentiation can be observed within castes: (1) Castes characterized by sharp polarization, such as the Rajputs and Thakurs of Rajasthan, UP, and Gujarat, where a few households own large estates and factories while many others are agricultural laborers; (2) Castes with a majority of members from the upper strata, such as Brahmins, Baniyas, and Kayasthas, which are generally well-off; (3) Castes with a majority of members belonging to the poorer strata, mainly among Backward Castes, who are predominantly small and marginal farmers, tenants, and agricultural laborers.
• This internal economic stratification within castes affects their cohesiveness on political issues. The dominant stratum within a caste often projects its interests as the interests of the entire caste and prioritizes these interests while negotiating with the government. Thus, the changing occupational landscape and internal stratification within castes have significant implications for caste-based politics and socio-economic dynamics in India.

Pressure Group: Caste Associations

Caste associations, also known as Sabha or Sangam, are formed by leaders of various Jatis (castes) for political, economic, and educational purposes. Numerically large Jatis have an edge in political bargaining with the government and political parties. Caste associations are different from caste panchayats or councils, as they are closer to voluntary organizations and their decisions are not binding on all caste members.

• History of Caste Associations: The history of caste associations in India can be traced back to the late 19th century, with an increase in their number after Independence. Some examples include the Sardar Kurmi Kshatriya Sabha, formed in 1884 to protest against the government's decision to debar Kulmis from being recruited in the police service, and the Nadar Maliaian Sangam, formed in 1895 to enhance the economic development of the wealthy Shanars of Tamilnadu.
• Role of Caste Associations in Politics: Caste associations are involved in electoral politics at various levels, with their participation being termed as "the democratic incarnation of caste" by Rudolph and Rudolph and "democratisation" of castes by Kothari. They make representation to the government demanding educational facilities, land ownership and distribution, government jobs, and infrastructure facilities like irrigation, electricity, loan, and subsidy for agriculture development for their caste members.
• Caste Federations: Some caste associations consist of multi-castes having different social rankings in the traditional order, referred to as caste "federation". These federations help in mustering a larger number of people for political activities at the district level and beyond.
• Case Study: Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha: In Gujarat, after losing political power and land ownership under land reforms, the Rajputs, who constituted only 4% of the population, formed the Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha to create a larger numerical support base. The caste organization embraced various Jatis of Kolis who aspired Kshatriya status, invoking caste pride and sentiments.

Caste-based Political Parties in India

1. Emergence of caste-based parties: In India, various castes have joined together to launch movements, such as the Non-Brahmin movement in Tamilnadu and Maharashtra. The movement led to the formation of several caste associations, which later evolved into political parties. For example, the Justice party was formed in 1916, and its offshoot, the DMK, emerged later. Other examples include the Scheduled Caste Federation and the Republican Party, which primarily catered to the Dalit population. The Jharkhand Party, formed by Adivasi leaders in Bihar, remained primarily an Adivasi party, while the Bahujan Samaj Party aimed at forming an alliance of Dalits, minorities, and OBCs.
2. Caste associations and political parties: Some caste associations aimed to compete in elections and formed alliances with various political parties. These parties initially resisted such pressures, but as caste associations successfully mobilized members for political activities, all parties began to woo leading aspirants who could mobilize caste votes. This led to the emergence of political aspirants who were primarily interested in gaining political positions for themselves, often launching new associations or splitting existing ones.
3. Identification of political parties with certain castes: Some political parties have been identified with particular castes for nomination and mobilization in elections. Examples include the Bharatiya Kranti Dal's AJGAR alliance, the Congress party's KHAM alliance, and the Samajwadi Party's identification with backward castes. The BJP is generally identified with upper castes, while the Congress is associated with middle and backward castes.
4. Consequences of caste-based politics: Caste-based politics has led to several consequences. Firstly, it has politicized and mobilized previously marginalized caste members, who now participate in electoral politics with expectations of better representation. Secondly, it has weakened the hold of some castes as members get split among various political parties. Thirdly, numerically large castes have gained representation in decision-making bodies, leading to a decline in the strength of traditionally dominant castes.

In conclusion, caste-based politics in India has led to the emergence of numerous political parties catering to specific castes and their interests. While this has increased political participation and representation for many marginalized groups, it has also led to a weakening of traditional caste structures and increased fragmentation among caste member.

Table 2: Caste Composition of the MLAs in Gujarat Assembly from 1957 to 1995

Caste in Voting Behavior: A Two-Dimensional Perspective

Caste plays a significant role in elections, with two dimensions: parties and candidates, and voters. Parties and candidates seek support by projecting themselves as champions of specific social and economic interests, while voters consider caste when deciding whom to vote for. However, this relationship is not exclusive or absolute.

• Parties and candidates: Parties often distribute tickets based on the caste of aspirant candidates and the numerical strength of different castes in a constituency. Caste leaders mobilize their followers on caste lines, sometimes asking them to vote for their caste fellows regardless of party affiliation. In other cases, caste associations align with a specific party and ask their members to vote for that party.
• Caste-based voting trends: While some castes identify with a particular party, there is never complete en bloc caste voting. For example, Jats in Western UP identified with Lok Dal, but not all Jats voted for the party. Similarly, in UP, 51% of the SC voters voted for the BSP in the 1998 state assembly elections, but 18% voted for the BJP.
• Occupation and class influence: Occupation and economic background also affect voting behavior. BSP voters in UP mainly comprised unskilled workers, agricultural and allied workers, artisans, and small and marginal farmers, while BJP voters were predominantly from the middle class.
• Perception of interests: Voters primarily consider their perception of their interests when choosing whom to vote for. In a given alternative, they assess who would serve their interests better than others. If the candidate happens to be of their own caste and their party is identified as the one that would protect their interests, they vote for that candidate. However, if they feel that the candidate belongs to a party that is unable to serve their interests or is hostile or insignificant in electoral politics, they do not vote for that candidate even if he belongs to their caste.

Caste plays an influential role in the voting behavior of both parties/candidates and voters. However, it is not the sole determining factor, as other considerations such as occupation, class, and perception of interests also significantly impact voting decisions. There is no one-to-one relationship between a candidate's caste and a voter's caste, making the role of caste in voting behavior complex and multifaceted.

Conclusion

The caste system and democratic political system in India have a complex and dynamic relationship, with both influencing each other in various aspects of society. Despite the inherent differences between the two systems, caste continues to play a significant role in politics, particularly in voting behavior and party representation. However, other factors such as occupation, class, and perception of interests also impact decision-making in the political sphere. Over time, the caste system has evolved, with internal stratification and the emergence of caste associations and caste-based political parties. Although caste remains an influential factor in Indian politics, its role is multifaceted and constantly changing.