Caste Conflict | Sociology Optional for UPSC (Notes) PDF Download

Introduction - Caste Conflict

• One caste trying to dominate others.
• Higher castes exploiting lower castes.
• Castes viewing others as obstacles to their social mobility and political power.
• Castes feeling excluded from new economic opportunities or symbols of high status.

Sociologists like A. Beteille, M.N. Srinivas, A.R. Desai, and Edmund Leach view caste conflict as a struggle for social mobility by lower castes. They argue that conflict is a catalyst for social change, arising from a group’s desire for space in social life, which is challenged by another group. Although more prevalent in rural areas, caste conflicts also occur in urban settings. Recent instances of caste violence have been reported in urban areas of Gujarat and Maharashtra, while rural areas like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Orissa, and Bengal have seen significant caste violence. Politically motivated caste conflicts have emerged in states like Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan, Karnataka, and Madhya Pradesh.

Causes of Caste Conflicts

• Understanding caste conflicts in rural India often involves analyzing the exploitation of lower castes by a dominant caste. Sometimes, a caste may dominate a group of neighboring villages or even a larger region. According to sociologist M.N. Srinivas, a caste is considered 'dominant' when it is numerically superior, wields significant economic and political power, and holds a high ritual status within the local caste hierarchy.
• Key factors in determining dominance include the number of educated individuals within the caste and the nature of high-status occupations held by its members. While decisive dominance is rare, different forms of dominance are often distributed among various castes in a village. For instance, a caste that is ritually high may lack economic power, while a numerically strong caste may be economically disadvantaged and have low ritual status. However, a caste that excels in one form of dominance often acquires other forms over time.
• This dynamic does not apply to untouchable castes, who are frequently exploited by dominant castes. Castes composed of landless laborers, tenants, or very small landowners often face exploitation from dominant castes. In some cases, untouchables may choose to stop performing traditional services for higher castes, such as removing dead animals, beating drums at village festivals, or cleaning up after feasts. When this happens, upper caste individuals may retaliate with violence, leading to conflicts.

2. Exploitation of Lower Castes by Upper Castes

• The upper castes have historically aimed to consolidate and maintain their high social status. In contrast, intermediate and lower castes often feel deprived and exploited. This assertion of high caste status by upper castes is a significant factor contributing to caste conflicts.
• One of the most notable examples of caste conflicts arising from exploitation, economic grievances, and deprivation is seen in Bihar. In this region, conflicts often occur between upper castes such as Brahmins, Bhumihars, Rajputs, and Kayasthas, and backward castes like Yadavs, Kurmis, and Koeries, as well as lower backward castes like Dhanuk, Kumbhar, Lohar, Telli, and Kahar.

Several caste massacres have taken place in Bihar due to these rivalries. For instance:

• In February 1992, a massacre in Bara village, located 40 kilometers from Gaya, saw forty-four upper caste Bhumihars killed by 1,500 backward caste members associated with the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC).
• On December 23, 1991, ten low caste members and supporters of the MCC were killed by upper caste members of the Savarna Liberation Front (SLF).
• In Belchi in May 1977, eight Harijans were burned alive by Kurmis, who were wealthy landlords.
• In 1978, several landless agricultural laborers were burned alive by Kurmis in Bishrampur.

These brutal acts of violence are part of a long list of such incidents in Bihar. The rising tensions between caste and class in Bihar’s countryside are attributed to the emergence of private militias (senas) based on caste and class lines.

• While some view these killings in Bihar as agrarian unrest, the evidence suggests that they are primarily caste conflicts. Upper castes often target middle-class peasants, who typically own only a small amount of land (around five bighas on average). Upper castes show little interest in land reforms and even sabotage initiatives like the Jawahar Rozgar Yojana, which aims to assist poorer sections of society. They also strive to seize funds intended for distribution among low caste individuals.
• Many upper caste landlords possess immense landholdings, some owning up to 1,000 acres. The Minimum Wages Act is often disregarded, and practices like serfdom remain prevalent in many regions of Bihar. Thousands of bonded laborers continue to be exploited and lead miserable lives. Efforts by voluntary organizations to aid these individuals are often undermined by upper caste landlords in collusion with administrative officials.

The described scenario illustrates that the exploitation of backward castes by upper castes, the refusal of backward castes to render unpaid labor, and the demands of lower castes for occupancy rights over land, cessation of menial services, and payment of nazrana, among other things, lead to violent reactions from landlords and moneylenders, primarily of upper castes, resulting in caste riots. The reprisals taken by landlords against lower and backward castes include:

• Depriving them of their lands and evicting them from their houses on the grounds that the properties belonged to the landlords.
• Restricting their cattle from using common grazing grounds and preventing them from accessing communal drinking water sources.
• Enforcing complete social boycotts (Jha).

In these caste conflicts, backward castes and Harijans tend to align with the MCC, while forward castes align with the SLF.

3. Barriers in Mobility and Achieving Political Power

• M.N. Srinivas argues that individual castes have traditionally been able to achieve mobility within the local caste hierarchy through various means, including sanskritisation, access to wealth, appealing to census officers for status changes in census records, and mobilizing caste groups through associations. Higher castes, such as the Marathas, Reddis, Nairs, and Coorgs in South India, have claimed Kshatriya status through land ownership. Even tribes and intermediate or low castes, like the Yadavs, Kurmis, and Koeries in Bihar, Patidars in Gujarat, and Bhumij and Munda tribes in eastern India, have become politically powerful and claimed Kshatriya status.
• Many low and backward castes have focused on acquiring symbols of high status, such as political power, education, and a share in new economic opportunities. This appropriation of high rank symbols by low castes has caused resentment among higher castes, who could no longer rely on political authority to punish those attempting such appropriation. They believed they had the 'moral authority' to physically punish and ostracize low caste individuals making these claims.
• The establishment of the decennial census in 1901 facilitated ambitious low castes in claiming high caste status in census records, making their rank indisputable. There was a widespread trend among castes to adopt new and prestigious Sanskritic names, with mythology, traditions, and specific customs cited to support claims of high rank. This led to caste conflicts, as low castes initially aimed to inform caste customs and assert high rank but later became political pressure groups demanding electoral tickets, ministerial positions, and administrative jobs.
• Caste conflicts in states like Gujarat, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh during the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s were often the result of these dynamics.

In summary, the attempts by low and backward castes to achieve mobility as a means to escape social and economic oppression and secure their legitimate rights have faced resistance from upper castes seeking to protect their vested interests. This resistance from upper castes and the mobility movements of lower castes lead to conflicts between these groups.

4. Competition for Economic Opportunities and Symbols of High Status

• While the status of each caste is generally fixed within the caste hierarchy, the absence of a clear-cut hierarchy creates ambiguity in the positions of many castes. In independent India, competition among different castes has become the norm. With political power shifting to the people, castes have evolved into pressure groups competing for power and using it to benefit their members. This trend has intensified caste conflicts across the country.
• At times, the desire to compete successfully with other castes prompts small segments to unite and form a single caste category. As Andre Beteille notes, “Competition for power and office necessitates a certain aggregation of segments, as individual castes cannot compete effectively in the struggle for power.” When they unite, they are perceived as a powerful caste.
• Instances like the Kolis in Gujarat and Yadavas in North India exemplify this phenomenon of coming together to form a single caste category to enhance their political power.
• It is important to recognize that while numerical strength is a significant basis of power for a caste, organization is even more crucial. In this context, individuals with social and economic standing within the caste play a vital role. Small tenants and landless laborers wield very little power. Rather than being able to negotiate for benefits and privileges, they often struggle to obtain what they are legally entitled to. Such individuals are sometimes drawn into revolutionary organizations to join them in the fight for their rights and status.
• Caste carnages in states like Bihar and Andhra Pradesh are often the result of such efforts to mobilize these marginalized groups.

Different Views on Caste Conflict

• Cultural Perspective: Dumont, Bougie, and Coomaraswami believe that caste in India is a hierarchical system with clearly defined statuses for each caste, which historically prevented caste conflict.
• M.N. Srinivas and Yogendra Singh: They challenge the cultural perspective by showing how the Brahmins' superior position was contested by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras through Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism, respectively. These new religions demonstrate that conflict can drive change in India's orthodox culture.
• Medieval Period: During this time, caste conflict intensified as many intermediary castes gained patronage from the Mughals and sought secular mobility, claiming Kshatriya status. This led to conflicts with upper castes who questioned the rise of these new Kshatriyas.
• Andre Beteille: He identifies two dimensions of caste conflict in India: inter-caste and intra-caste conflict, which vary in intensity over time and space. Beteille argues that caste conflict has shifted from being identity-centric to interest-focused.
• Stevenson: His study found that the Dalit community in South India engaged in conflicts over ritual symbols, such as the right to wear a turban during rituals.
• Oscar Louis: In Western Uttar Pradesh, Jats and Rajputs fought for superiority and dominance over each other.
• F.G. Bailey: In his study of Bissipara, he observed caste conflicts between different groups vying for both ritual and secular superiority.
• T.K. Oomen: During the 1960s and 1970s, caste associations like the All India Kshatriya Mahasabha, Dalit Panther Party, and backward class mobilization in South India emerged to promote vertical integration among sub-castes, contributing to the homogenization of people based on supra-caste identity. This process is referred to by Srinivas as the "Varnisation of caste" in India.
• Ghurye: He believes that the consolidation of caste justifies caste conflict on one hand while impacting the process of national integration on the other.
• S.C. Dube: The green revolution and the resulting economic affluence of farmers in Western Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, and Haryana led to the consolidation of intermediary castes in North India. This consolidation and their quest for power sometimes resulted in caste conflicts. For instance, the All India Agrawal Mahasabha strengthened its organization and campaigned to show its capacity to resist violence from outsiders. Edmund Leach described this as "caste-grades coming together," while F.G. Bailey referred to it as the "assimilation of caste clusters."
• T.K. Oomen: Caste conflicts are seen as lower castes striving for equality and higher castes resisting these demands. When principles of justice, equality, and democracy are introduced into a traditional society, people reject outdated and exploitative norms. Consequently, individuals organize formally, claim new statuses, and engage in protests and conflicts.
• Contemporary Times: Although caste and caste conflict do not manifest in an organized manner as in the past, atrocities against Dalits, particularly Dalit women, are reported in everyday newspapers.

Thorat's Study Of Violence Against Dalits:

• Atrocities Against Dalits: Maximally reported in states like Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, and Madhya Pradesh.
• Economic Conditions: Despite different economic conditions in these states, the Brahminic cultural ideology of superiority is prevalent.
• Reporting of Atrocities: Incidents of atrocities are often not reported by the police or subjected to public scrutiny.
• Subaltern Struggle: Caste and caste conflict in India represent a subaltern struggle for appropriate space in a democratic society, historically denied to the Dalit community.

Caste and Caste Conflict Driven by Political Equations:

• Rudolph and Rudolph: They view caste conflict as a politics of bargaining, where each caste empathizes with the immediate upper and lower castes to consolidate for political success and to withstand violence from others.
• Anand Chakravarti: In his study, he found that caste factions seek support from adjoining caste groups for political success or to resist domination or violence from other castes.

Conclusion: Caste and caste conflict are still present, but their nature, form, and genesis have changed. The existence of caste and caste conflict highlights the contrast between traditional cultural perceptions and modern values of equality and justice.

Casteism

The caste system, when distorted, leads to the problem of casteism, which has infiltrated every aspect of national life. Casteism causes people to overlook the interests of society as a whole.

Kaka Kalelker defines casteism as an overriding and blind loyalty to one's group, disregarding social standards of justice, equity, and universal brotherhood.

Casteism negatively impacts social relations and is caused by various factors, including:

• Endogamous Nature of Caste: Casteism arises from restrictions on marriage within the Hindu society. Each caste and sub-caste is endogamous, meaning members must marry within their own group. This practice narrows marital relations, leading individuals to develop loyalties and admiration for their own caste or sub-caste. Endogamy fosters narrow-mindedness.
• Desire to Enhance Caste Prestige: People tend to develop loyalty to their caste or sub-caste and become conscious of its societal prestige. Members strive to safeguard and enhance their caste's prestige, favoring fellow caste members whenever possible. Excessive caste loyalty distances individuals from other castes.
• Improvement in Transport and Communication: Advancements in transport and communication have facilitated regular contact among caste members. This has strengthened caste organizations and increased caste-based activities. Caste organizations and gatherings are on the rise.
• Urbanization and Casteism: Industrialization and urbanization draw people to cities, where they naturally seek connections with those of the same caste. The city environment reinforces caste feelings and caste-mindedness.
• Powerful Hold of Caste: Caste exerts a strong influence over its members, who often rely on their caste for assistance in times of crisis. This dependence exacerbates casteism.

Consequences of Casteism Casteism, while benefiting individual members of a caste, has detrimental effects on society as a whole. Some major consequences of casteism include:

• Hindrance to National Unity: Casteism prioritizes caste loyalty over community loyalty, fostering intolerance, rivalry, and conflicts among caste members. Caste clashes disrupt societal unity and harm social harmony.
• Danger to Democracy: Caste and democracy are fundamentally at odds. Caste is based on inequality, while democracy promotes equality. The coexistence of caste and democracy in India leads to inevitable clashes. Caste influences candidate selection, cabinet formation, and portfolio distribution in Indian politics, complicating political processes and undermining national interests and unity.
• Encouragement of Moral Degeneration: Casteism promotes nepotism and moral decay. It encourages individuals to favor and help members of their own caste, fostering corruption and damaging moral values.
• Negligence of Talent and Efficiency: When selections and appointments are made based on caste rather than talent and efficiency, it harms the quality of leadership. The selection of incompetent individuals for important positions due to caste considerations undermines honesty, efficiency, and duty consciousness.

Casteism poses serious risks to society. Despite public condemnation, many individuals, including politicians, perpetuate casteism for personal gain. Politicians often exploit caste sentiments to secure advantages for their own castes at the expense of others. Caste consciousness and prejudices among the masses are manipulated by politicians to incite caste passions, hindering national development.
Suggestions for Solution of Casteism: Addressing casteism, a social evil, requires concerted efforts. While removing caste and casteism is challenging due to their deep-rooted nature, it is crucial to eradicate the harmful aspects of casteism. Some suggested solutions include:

• Education: Educating people about the dangers of casteism is essential. Parents, teachers, elders, and political leaders should be cautious not to instill casteist attitudes in young minds.
• Encouragement of Intercaste Marriages: Promoting intercaste marriages can foster closer relationships among individuals of different castes, helping to build healthy connections.
• Minimizing the Use of the Term 'Caste': Efforts should be made to limit the use of the term 'caste' to specific contexts, encouraging younger generations to downplay its significance.
• Promotion of Economic Equality: Addressing the economic gap between upper and lower castes is crucial. Providing equal economic opportunities for lower caste individuals can help bridge this gap and promote social cohesion.

M.N. Srinivas believes that most shortcomings of the caste system can be addressed through democratic means such as adult franchise, five-year plans, education, progress of backward classes, and the influence of higher caste culture on the living standards of lower castes.

Ghurye argues that casteism conflicts can be resolved by promoting intercaste marriages, co-education at the primary level, and fostering interactions between boys and girls. Intercaste marriages can create an atmosphere opposed to casteism.

Mrs. Iravati Karve emphasizes the need for economic and cultural equality between castes to eliminate conflicts arising from casteism.

Prabhu believes that changing internal conduct is necessary to resolve conflicts caused by casteism. New attitudes should be developed in people, and cinema can play a significant role in shaping these attitudes.