Dalit Movement- 1 | Sociology Optional for UPSC (Notes) PDF Download

Who Are Dalits?

The word "dalit" originates from the Marathi language and essentially means "ground" or "broken to pieces." It was first popularized by the Dalit Panthers in Maharashtra to refer to the Scheduled Caste population. Over time, some people have expanded the definition to include other oppressed groups, such as the Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, and other converted minorities. However, for our purposes, we will focus on the Scheduled Castes (SCs) alone.

• Dalits, who make up about 15% of the Indian population, are primarily found in the lower strata of Indian society, both economically and socially. According to the 2001 census, they accounted for more than 166 million people, or 16.2% of the entire Indian population. They are spread throughout the country but are concentrated in states such as Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Bihar, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Orissa, and Maharashtra. The Dalit population is mainly comprised of poor peasants, share-croppers, and agricultural laborers in rural areas, while in urban areas, they mostly form the majority of the laboring population.
• Despite the implementation of pro-poor policies aimed at improving the conditions of the impoverished, including the Dalits, studies have shown that their overall situation has not changed significantly over the years. As a result, a small middle-class section has emerged among the Dalits, which has primarily benefited from state policies. This middle-class group is mainly responsible for the mobilization and assertion of Dalits in contemporary India. While blatant forms of caste discrimination practiced for centuries are not prevalent in India today, the overall condition of the Dalit population still requires significant improvement.

Political Mobilisation of the Dalits 

Pre-Independence Period

• Ambedkar first initiated the articulation of dalit interests at the All India level in the 1920s. Although there were previous attempts to reform their conditions in some Indian states, such as with Phule in Maharashtra, these efforts were focused on reform rather than political mobilisation. Ambedkar remained the primary advocate for dalits from 1919 until India gained independence, often differing with the Congress on key dalit issues. While the Congress spoke about the necessity of removing untouchability, it did not articulate any concrete demands or programs to protect the interests of the depressed classes until 1917 (Shah, 2001). In contrast, Phule and Ambedkar, in the 1930s, believed that untouchability could only be eradicated if the caste system was destroyed and dalits gained power. Consequently, Ambedkar formed the All India Scheduled Caste Federation (AISCF) in 1942 and several other organisations, including the Indian Labour Party (ILP).
• The ILP was unique as it sought to mobilise a broader section of Indian society, not just dalits. It aimed to appeal to a wider audience, including industrial workers and agricultural labourers. Duncan (2000) argues that Ambedkar formed the ILP because he believed that a wider support base than the Scheduled Caste was essential, leading him to adopt a more class-like strategy.

Post-Independence Period

• The formation of the AISCF was an important development in the history of dalit mobilisation in India, despite its limited success in the 1946 and 1951 elections. These setbacks convinced Ambedkar that a separate political party with a wider electoral strategy was necessary. After his death in 1956, the AISCF was dissolved and the Republican Party of India (RPI) was formed in 1957. The RPI accepted the fundamental provisions of the Constitution and vowed to pursue its objectives through parliamentary democracy.
• For nearly two decades, the RPI functioned successfully, establishing its base in Maharashtra and, to a lesser extent, Uttar Pradesh. However, the RPI eventually weakened due to internal differences over aligning with the Congress. This led to the party splitting into several factions, which now play only a marginal role in Maharashtra politics.
• The failure of the RPI to uphold Ambedkar's ideals and meet the aspirations of dalit youth led to the formation of the Dalit Panthers in Bombay in 1972. Inspired by Ambedkar's and Marx's writings, the Dalit Panthers criticised RPI leaders for their failures and sought to provide an alternative. Initially successful in Maharashtra, the movement eventually succumbed to the same issues that plagued the RPI, including internal conflicts and leadership disputes.
• Several reasons have been proposed for why dalit political parties, including those formed by Ambedkar, have struggled to achieve their objectives. Duncan (2000) identifies three main problems: reliance on specific caste groups rather than the entire dalit population, internal disputes over supporting other political parties, and the lack of a modern organisational structure to manage inner-party struggles and maintain cohesion. Additionally, the Ambedkarite parties were unable to challenge the vote banks or support base of the Congress party, which appealed to the dalits through welfare policies. The recent growth of dalit parties has occurred primarily in areas where the Congress has declined, creating a vacuum for other political forces.

The Bahujan Samaj Party And Dalits 

• The establishment of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) by Kanshi Ram in 1984 marked a significant change in the history of Dalit mobilization and politics in India. The BSP succeeded in parts of North India where Ambedkar and Ambedkarites failed to achieve their goal in over fifty years. Additionally, the BSP was successful in North India when Dalit parties in Western India were disorganized.
• After its formation, the BSP not only established a stronghold in some Northern Indian states but also formed governments with pre or post electoral allies in the crucial state of Uttar Pradesh. Though these governments were short-lived, they had important implications for Dalits not only in Uttar Pradesh but throughout India.
• The BSP politically mobilized the Dalits of Uttar Pradesh through the Backward and Minority Central Government Employees Federation (BAMCEF), formed by Kanshi Ram in 1978. The primary aim of the BAMCEF was to organize the elite section of Dalits who had benefited from the reservation policies of the Government of India. The formation of this organization was critical as it provided the initial organizational and financial base for the BSP.
• Kanshi Ram sought to increase his influence among other sections of society through the formation of the Dalit Shoshit Sangharsh Samaj Samiti (DS4) in 1981. The DS4 served as the organizational base for the formation of the BSP and took up political issues through ideological campaigns and the organization of meetings, rallies, and social action programs.
• The BSP was formed on the 14th of April 1984, with Kanshi Ram persuading Mayawati to join the party in Uttar Pradesh. Mayawati's joining of the BSP was crucial as it helped the party gain a solid leader in the state. The BSP made an immediate impact on the Dalit vote bank in North India, drawing votes away from the Congress party.
• In the 1989 Lok Sabha elections, the BSP secured three seats with 2.4% of all-India votes from the 235 Lok Sabha constituencies it contested. The party continued its electoral gains and was recognized as a National Party by the Election Commission in 1997. In Uttar Pradesh, the BSP experienced significant growth, increasing its state assembly seats from 13 in 1989 to 66 in 1993 and 97 in 2002. Overall, the BSP has had an impressive performance, with a vote share in the state of around 20%

Ideology

The ideology of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in India is challenging to pinpoint due to its shifts and vagueness. The party's primary focus is dismantling the caste system through acquiring state power, but it lacks a clear economic program to implement once in power. The BSP draws inspiration from the writings of Ambedkar, Phule, and Periar, as well as the speeches of Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. The party's central ideology revolves around critiquing the Brahminical social order in India.

• According to the BSP, Indian society consists of two groups: the lower castes, including Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, and religious minorities, and the traditional upper castes, such as Brahmins, Kayasthas, Banias, and Rajputs. The upper castes are a minority in India, but they continue to rule due to the consent and votes they receive from the lower castes. The BSP believes that this system will end when the lower castes gain political power.
• The party argues that the Aryan invasion of India led to the creation of the caste-based Brahminical social order, which subjugated the original inhabitants, the Dravidians. The purpose of this social order was to justify the division of society into major caste groups. The BSP's main objective is to end Brahminical rule and achieve political power for the Bahujan majority. They believe that the key to transforming society and improving the socio-economic conditions of the lower castes lies in attaining state power.
• The BSP aims for a total revolution through the ballot box, with the first stage being electoral victory over the upper castes and the second stage being a thorough transformation of society. They argue that the existing democracy in India is a fake system dominated by the upper castes and their political parties, such as the Congress. The BSP seeks to establish a genuine democracy where power is in the hands of the majority, the Dalits and the Bahujans.

Limitations of the BSP

• One of the main limitations of the BSP is its exclusive ideology, which focuses primarily on the Dalits in the country but lacks a comprehensive economic program for the majority of the poor. This restricted focus on social justice alone has made it difficult for the BSP to effectively guide economic policies when in power in Uttar Pradesh.
• Another issue with the BSP is its leader-centric nature. Although the party has many leaders and functionaries, decisions are often made solely by Kanshi Ram and Mayawati, sometimes without involving the rest of the party. This problem is not unique to the BSP, as other Ambedkarite parties have faced similar challenges.
• A more significant limitation of the BSP is its narrow social base. Despite claiming to represent 85% of the population, in reality, the party mainly represents the Chamar/Jatav caste in North India. The BSP has not been successful in expanding its appeal beyond this caste, mainly due to its caste bias in favor of the Chamars, which has alienated other castes and minority communities. Moreover, the party has limited presence in other states, particularly in the west, south, and east of India.
• Lastly, the BSP's primary agenda of capturing power has led to unusual strategies and alliances with ideologically incompatible parties, such as the BJP. This has not only diminished the BSP's credibility but has also made it difficult for the party to expand its social base among non-Dalit communities. Despite these limitations, the BSP has experienced significant growth in recent years, particularly during the 1990s.

Conclusion

Dalits, who make up around 15% of the Indian population, have historically faced significant economic and social challenges. Despite efforts by political parties such as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) to mobilize and uplift the Dalit community, limitations such as a narrow social base and a lack of comprehensive economic policies have hindered their progress. While some improvements have been made, the overall condition of the Dalit population in India still requires significant attention and action.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) of Dalit's Movements

What is the origin of the term "Dalit," and who does it refer to?

The word "dalit" originates from the Marathi language and means "ground" or "broken to pieces." It was first popularized by the Dalit Panthers in Maharashtra to refer to the Scheduled Caste (SC) population. Some people have expanded the definition to include other oppressed groups, such as Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, and converted minorities. However, for our purposes, we will focus on the Scheduled Castes alone.

What is the significance of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in Dalit politics?

Ambedkar initiated the articulation of Dalit interests at the All India level in the 1920s. He remained the primary advocate for Dalits from 1919 until India gained independence, often differing with the Congress on key Dalit issues. His ideas on the eradication of untouchability and the empowerment of Dalits through political mobilization have greatly influenced Dalit politics in India.

What was the role of the Republican Party of India (RPI) in Dalit politics?

The RPI was formed in 1957 after the dissolution of the All India Scheduled Caste Federation (AISCF). It accepted the fundamental provisions of the Constitution and vowed to pursue its objectives through parliamentary democracy. For nearly two decades, the RPI functioned successfully, establishing its base in Maharashtra and, to a lesser extent, Uttar Pradesh. However, internal differences over aligning with the Congress and leadership disputes eventually weakened the party.

How has the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) impacted Dalit politics in India?

The establishment of the BSP by Kanshi Ram in 1984 marked a significant change in the history of Dalit mobilization and politics in India. The BSP was successful in parts of North India, where previous Dalit parties had failed. The party gained significant electoral support by focusing on dismantling the caste system and establishing political power for the Bahujan majority.

What are some limitations of the BSP?

Some limitations of the BSP include its exclusive ideology that primarily focuses on Dalits, lack of a comprehensive economic program for the majority of the poor, leader-centric decision-making, narrow social base, and unusual strategies and alliances with ideologically incompatible parties. These limitations have made it challenging for the BSP to expand its social base and appeal beyond the Chamar/Jatav caste in North India.