Dalit Movement- 2 | Sociology Optional for UPSC (Notes) PDF Download

Backward Class Movements

In the past thirty years, there has been a remarkable rise of the backward classes in various aspects of life, particularly in electoral politics. Although the backward classes had already become a notable social and political force in some regions, such as southern India, their national prominence surged after the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report in 1990 by the government led by V P Singh. This report brought attention to the challenges faced by these communities and helped to create opportunities for their growth and development in different fields.

Who are the Backward Classes?

• The term "backward classes" is a broad and loosely defined concept in India, encompassing a wide range of social groups that are situated above the Scheduled Castes (Dalits) and below the upper castes in the traditional social hierarchy. These classes mainly include intermediate castes such as cultivating castes, artisans, and service castes. They are involved in the production process in the land and provide various services to society.
• The Other Backward Classes (OBCs) are those classes that are distinct from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Some of the principal intermediary OBCs are Yadavs, Kurmies, Koeris, Gujjars, and Jats in north Indian states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Rajasthan; Kappus, Kammas, Reddies, Vokkaliggas, Lingayats, Mudliars in south Indian states like Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu; Patles, Kolis, Kshatriyas, and Marathas in west Indian states like Gujarat and Maharashtra. They are often considered the dominant backward classes, while the service castes and artisans are referred to as the Most Backward Castes (MBCs) in some states.
• The OBCs consist of heterogeneous caste groups with varying social, economic, and political conditions. Their social status and position in the traditional hierarchy may differ based on their agrarian history and regional context. For instance, Jats in parts of Uttar Pradesh and Punjab were a dominant community even during the pre-Independence period, with their own caste councils and independent status as peasant-proprietors. However, other intermediary castes were often tenant farmers and subjected to exploitation by landlords, similar to the service and artisan castes.
• To be categorized as an OBC, a community must possess enough political influence to be recognized as such. There have been instances of castes demanding to be identified as OBCs, like the Jats being added to the OBC lists in Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh in 1999 and 2000, respectively. In conclusion, the concept of backward classes in India is complex and encompasses various social groups that share certain cultural and economic characteristics, but their specific conditions and experiences may differ based on regional and historical factors.

Socio-Economic Conditions of the Backward Classes: Impact of the State Policies 

The socio-economic conditions of the backward classes in India have undergone significant changes in the post-independence era, largely due to the impact of state policies. These policies have led to the emergence of the backward classes as a powerful social, economic, and political force in the country. However, internal differentiation among the backward classes has persisted, with the intermediary castes dominating village society and artisans and service castes joining the ranks of marginalized groups.

• Key state policies that have influenced the backward classes include land reforms, which involved the abolition of landlordism, imposing ceilings on landholdings, consolidating landholdings, and the Green Revolution. Welfare schemes targeting the lower backward classes have also played a role in their development. In addition to these state policies, factors such as population growth and the breakdown of the Jajmani system have also affected the backward classes.
• The Green Revolution, in particular, had a profound impact on the rural socio-economic landscape, affecting mostly the upper backward classes. This brought about a shift in traditional patterns of relations and led to the emergence of capitalism in agriculture, marked by mechanization, displacement of human labor, and the development of a market economy.
• Despite the benefits reaped by the upper backward classes, the lower backward classes have faced challenges such as joining the ranks of wage laborers in agriculture or non-agricultural sectors, and migrating to cities. The distinct economic categories within the OBCs have given rise to issues that are both economic and caste-related. Over time, the nature of these issues has evolved from focusing on the abolition of landlordism and land ownership rights to addressing the challenges that emerged post-Green Revolution, such as crop pricing, subsidies, better infrastructure, and reservations in political institutions and public jobs.
• The rise of a middle class among the OBCs is another factor that has influenced the socio-economic conditions of the backward classes. Although the education policies have not been as successful as desired, a group of educated spokespersons has emerged from the backward classes. Early examples of such spokespersons from north India include Charan Singh, S. D. Singh Chaurasia, and Chaudhry Brahm Prakash.

Backward Class Movement After Independence  

North-South Comparison

• The backward classes in South India mobilized much earlier than their counterparts in North India, successfully achieving reservations in government jobs and entering politics. South Indian states granted reservations for the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) by the 1960s, while North Indian states only introduced these reservations from the 1970s. This early mobilization in South India can be attributed to the process of ethnicisation, where the backward classes questioned Brahminical domination and sought to replace it with that of the Dravidians. The Self-Respect Movement led by E.V. Ramaswami Naicker (Periyar) during the 1920s and 1940s provided the most effective expression of the Dravidian revolt against Brahmin domination in the South.
• In contrast, the North Indian backward classes underwent the process of sanskritisation, whereby they attempted to follow the customs, habits, and rituals of the high castes. The Arya Samaj organization spread the message among the backward classes that it was the karma, not the birth, which determined a person's place in society. While this encouraged the backward classes to sanskritise themselves by tracing their lineages to the high castes and wearing sacred threads, it also revived and strengthened the hegemony of the high castes. This dampened the chances of a strong backward class movement in North India.
• In West India, the backward classes were also mobilized earlier than in the North. Jyotiba Phule, a social reformer from the backward Mali caste, set up the Satya Shodak Samaj in 1873 to mobilize the low castes, including Dalits and non-Brahmins. Phule's Aryan theory suggested that the high castes were not the original inhabitants of India; the original inhabitants were the untouchable, artisan, service castes, and the peasant backward classes. This theory inspired several low caste leaders of the early 20th century and beyond.
• Maratha princes like the Maharaja of Baroda and the descendant of Shivaji, Maharaja of Kolhapur, inspired by Phule's philosophy, challenged Brahmins' domination of their administration. Shahu introduced policies to empower the non-Brahmins in administration and end Brahmin domination, including setting up boarding houses for low caste students, making primary education free and compulsory, and introducing 50% reservation of seats in government jobs for "members of backward communities." Organizations like the All India Maratha Mali Union and Yadav Gavli Association emerged in the Bombay Presidency, striving to forge alliances of different non-Brahmin castes.

The Electoral Mobilisation

• The backward class politics in India has mainly involved electoral mobilization and the creation of a support base among them by political parties and leaders. Issues such as reservation for the OBCs and their mobilization on class issues have also been linked to electoral politics. The increasing participation of the OBCs in state legislatures and parliament is indicative of the empowerment of the backward classes. Throughout the post-Independence period, individual leaders and political organizations have attempted to mobilize the backward classes into participatory politics.
• In the 1950s and 1960s, Charan Singh, a prominent politician, carved out a political base for himself among the middle caste peasantry in Uttar Pradesh (UP) and Bihar through a well-designed strategy. He combined the caste issue with the class issue and projected himself as a backward class leader. This strategy created divisions within the Congress party, with a section of the high caste leadership accusing him of identifying with the backward classes.
• Since the 1970s, a generation of leaders belonging to intermediary castes has emerged on the political scene in north India. After the death of Charan Singh and Karpoori Thakur, these leaders have come to occupy an important place in the politics of north India, especially UP and Bihar. The division of support of backward classes to different parties is indicative of competitive politics among the backward classes and their empowerment.
• It is worth noting that the backward class mobilization by different parties has largely been confined to the upper backward or intermediate castes, while the Most Backward Classes (MBCs) remain largely excluded from empowerment. Some attempts have been made to empower them, but these measures have been unsuccessful for various reasons.

Politics of Reservation

The Mandal Commission Report, introduced by the V.P. Singh government in 1990, recommended a 27% reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in central government jobs. This move brought the issue of reservation to the forefront of Indian politics, sparking reactions both in support and opposition to the policy. The appointment of the Mandal Commission by the Janata Party government was a result of the growing political influence of the backward classes, particularly those from the intermediate castes.

• During the Constituent Assembly, Punjab Rao Deshmukh raised the demand for reservation for the backward classes, similar to Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's demand for reservation for the Scheduled Castes. In response, Deshmukh founded the All India Backward Classes Federation (AIBCF) on January 26, 1950. The AIBCF eventually split into two factions due to differing political allegiances, with the splinter group forming the National Backward Classes Federation (NBCF).
• The Mandal Commission was established in response to the persistent demand from the backward class leadership to accept the Kaka Kalelkar Commission's report, which was the first backward class commission. The Kaka Kalelkar Commission was the result of demands for such a commission at the time of India's independence. However, its recommendations of using class as the criterion for identifying backward classes were rejected by the parliament, leading to the demand for another commission that would consider social and educational backwardness as criteria for identifying backward classes.
• The implementation of the Mandal Commission report has not resolved the issue of reservation in India. New groups continue to demand recognition as OBCs, and whether or not a community can be identified as OBCs depends on political factors. From a UPSC exam perspective, it is essential to understand the historical background, political implications, and ongoing debates surrounding the reservation issue in India.

Conclusion

The rise of backward class movements in India over the past few decades can be attributed to various factors, including state policies, electoral mobilization, and the politics of reservation. The Mandal Commission Report played a significant role in bringing attention to the challenges faced by these communities and creating opportunities for their growth and development in different fields. Despite the progress made, internal differentiation among the backward classes persists, and new groups continue to demand recognition as OBCs. Understanding the historical background, political implications, and ongoing debates surrounding these movements and the reservation issue is essential for comprehending the socio-political landscape of India.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) of Dalit's Movements

What does the term "backward classes" refer to in India?

The term "backward classes" in India refers to a broad and loosely defined group of social classes situated above the Scheduled Castes (Dalits) and below the upper castes in the traditional social hierarchy. These classes mainly include intermediate castes, such as cultivating castes, artisans, and service castes.

What is the difference between Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Most Backward Castes (MBCs)?

Other Backward Classes (OBCs) are distinct from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and include principal intermediary castes from various regions in India. Most Backward Castes (MBCs), on the other hand, are service castes and artisans that are considered to be lower in the social hierarchy compared to the dominant backward classes.

How did the Mandal Commission Report impact the backward classes in India?

The Mandal Commission Report, implemented in 1990 by the V.P. Singh government, recommended a 27% reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in central government jobs. This brought attention to the challenges faced by these communities and helped to create opportunities for their growth and development in different fields.

What factors contributed to the early mobilization of backward classes in South India compared to North India?

The early mobilization of backward classes in South India can be attributed to the process of ethnicisation, where the backward classes questioned Brahminical domination and sought to replace it with that of the Dravidians. The Self-Respect Movement led by E.V. Ramaswami Naicker (Periyar) during the 1920s and 1940s provided the most effective expression of the Dravidian revolt against Brahmin domination in the South.

What is the significance of reservation in Indian politics, particularly for the backward classes?

Reservation is a policy aimed at addressing historical social and educational disadvantages faced by certain communities, including the backward classes. The implementation of the Mandal Commission Report, which recommended a 27% reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in central government jobs, brought the issue of reservation to the forefront of Indian politics and sparked reactions both in support and opposition to the policy. The ongoing debate surrounding reservation continues to have significant political implications in India.