Chapter Eight

Interaction and Innovation, c. 200 BCE–300 CE

Chapter outline

T

HE POLITICAL HISTORY OF NORTH INDIA

T

HE SHAKA KSHATRAPAS OF WESTERN INDIA

T

HE SATAVAHANA EMPIRE IN THE DECCAN

(< />)KINGS AND CHIEFTAINS IN THE FAR SOUTH:THE CHERAS, CHOLAS, AND PANDYAS (< />)V(< />)ILLAGES AND CITIES

C

RAFTS AND GUILDS

T

RADE AND TRADERS

(< />)A(< />)SPECTS OF SOCIAL CHANGE IN NORTH INDIA AND THE DECCAN: VARNA, CASTE, GENDER (< />)S(< />)OCIETY IN EARLY HISTORICAL SOUTH INDIA

P

HILOSOPHICAL DEVELOPMENTS: ASTIKA AND NASTIKA SCHOOLS

L

OOKING AT THE HISTORY OF RELIGIONS BEYOND THE FRAMEWORK OF ‘ISMS’

R

ELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE

C

ONCLUSIONS

RED SANDSTONE YAKSHI, SANGHOL (PUNJAB)

In 1911, Pandit Radha Krishna, an enthusiastic collector of antiquities, discovered an unusual stone image in the midst of agricultural fields on a mound called Tokri Tila in Mat village near Mathura.

The head and arms of the statue were missing, but enough remained to indicate that this was a life-size image of a warrior king. His right hand held a long sceptre or mace, and his left hand firmly clasped the ornamented hilt of his sword. His trim body was clothed in a simple, knee-length tunic, gathered at the waist by a belt, over which he wore an ankle-length outer robe. His rather large feet, enclosed in heavy boots strapped round the ankles, were splayed and planted firmly on the ground, in a pose simultaneously suggestive of action and stability. Even in its damaged condition, the image radiated strength, power, and authority. A Brahmi inscription at the base indicated that this was a stone portrait of Kanishka. Kanishka belonged to the Kushana dynasty, one of several dynasties that ruled in the subcontinent during the early centuries CE.

1

The period c. 200 BCE–300 CE was historically significant from several points of view. In north India, several invasions from the north-west led to a westward shift in the focus of political power away from the Magadha region. The Deccan and the far south experienced a transition to a state polity and society.City life spread to new regions of the subcontinent. Craftspersons produced larger quantities and more varied goods than before, trade within the subcontinent and between its regions and other lands flourished, and money was increasingly used as a medium of exchange. New cultural winds blew into the subcontinent in the wake of the invasions and expanding trade, and the north-west in particular became a major cultural crossroads. The devotional worship of images in shrines became a cornerstone of religious life, cutting across cultic and sectarian boundaries. The increasing institutionalization of religious activity was reflected in religious texts, permanent religious structures, and inscriptions. Sophisticated styles of stone sculpture co-existed with vibrant traditions of terracotta art.

The sources for the history of these centuries are many and diverse. The Jatakas contain many stories of ordinary people, traders, and travellers. Incidental historical references occur in other Buddhist works such as the Milindapanha and Lalitavistara. Jaina texts throw light on the history of Jainism and provide incidental references of historical value. The Puranas give details on political history, although they often contradict each other on a number of points. The Puranas and epics are a rich source of information on the emergence of early Hindu cults and religious practices. The later Dharmasutras and Smritis such as the Manava Dharmashastra (generally referred to as the Manu Smriti, c. 200 BCE–200 CE) and Yajnavalkya Smriti (c. 100–300 CE) represent Brahmanical discourses, through which we can get glimmers of the society of their time.

KANISHKA IMAGE FROM MAT, MATHURA

One way of analysing textual sources is to identify and put together specific, historically significant statements in various texts. Another approach is to look carefully at texts in their entirety, identify their authorial intent, and try to understand the complex relationship between the words and the historical context in which they were conceived and woven together. For instance, Patrick Olivelle’s recent study of the Manava Dharmashastra argues that this text’s unique structure suggests that the original work was composed in the 2nd–3rd centuries CE by a single author—a learned Brahmana who lived somewhere in north India, or at the most by a small group of people. He argues that the text aimed at vigorously defending Brahmanical privilege against enemies personified as Shudras and mlechchhas and sought to re-establish and strengthen the old alliance between kings and Brahmanas (Olivelle [2005], 2006: 5–41).

An important aspect of the literature of this period is the beginning of Sanskrit drama. Ashvaghosha’s Sariputraprakarana, woven around the conversion of Maudgalayana and Sariputra by the Buddha, is the oldest surviving text of this genre. Ashvaghosha was also the author of two other important Buddhist texts—the Saundarananda and the Buddhacharita, the latter a hagiography of the Buddha. Hardly any scientific treatises of this period survive, with the possible exception of the medical works of Charaka and Sushruta. However, on the basis of later texts, traditions of learning in subjects such as astronomy, mathematics, and medicine can be inferred.

Sangam poetry, the oldest surviving literature in the Tamil language, is an important part of the repertoire of available literary sources. As mentioned in (< />)Chapter 1, the term ‘Sangam literature’ is based on a later tradition of three literary academies, the historicity of which is not certain. The Sangam corpus includes six of the eight anthologies of poems of the Ettutokai, nine of the ten pattus or songs included in the Pattupattu, and the earliest parts of the first two books of the Tolkappiyam. The poems are of two types—akam (love poems) and puram (heroic poems). The poets had diverse social backgrounds and their poems, modelled on the songs of the humble bards and drummers of

earlier times, are a rich and evocative source for the society of Tamilakam (the Tamil land) between the 3rd century BCE and the 3rd century CE.

Graeco-Roman texts (collectively known as ‘classical accounts’) are among the other important historical sources for the period. They include the works of Arrian, Strabo, and Pliny the Elder. There is also the anonymous Periplus Maris Erythraei, whose author seems to have been an Egyptian Greek involved in trade, who travelled from the head of the Red Sea to India and wrote a book based on his experiences and observations. The details in such texts are particularly important for the history of trade. Chinese texts such as the Ch’ien Han-shu and the Hou Han-shu provide information on the movement and migrations of people in central Asia, which had a direct impact on the political situation in north India.

Archaeology continues to offer information on settlement patterns, specialized crafts, and trade. The details of urban sites are often scanty, but their broad profiles are clear. In north India, the evidence from late NBPW and post-NBPW levels reveals a significant expansion of urban centres. In archaeological literature, the cultural levels belonging to these centuries are often labelled ‘Shunga–Kushana’. The settlements are often fortified and show elements of planning and a considerable use of burnt brick. The pottery includes wheel-turned red ware of medium fabric, frequently with stamped and incised designs. The shapes include bowls with flared or incurved rims, button-knobbed lids, basins with spouts, long bottle-necked ‘sprinklers’, and miniature vases. The rich range of artefacts includes coins, seals, and terracottas of fine workmanship. Coins are useful in dating archaeological strata. In the Deccan and South India, certain sites reveal a transition from the later megalithic phase to the urban, early historical phase. On the other hand, several urban settlements have neither neolithic–chalcolithic nor megalithic antecedents. There is comparatively less information regarding rural settlements. While archaeology provides information on aspects of material culture, it also throws light on other aspects such as the history of religious practices and institutions.

During the period c. 200 BCE–300 CE, the range, type, and number of inscriptions increased dramatically. In north India, royal inscriptions reflect a transition from Prakrit towards Sanskrit. In the south, the earliest Tamil inscriptions made their appearance. The thousands of inscriptions available from different parts of the subcontinent include royal inscriptions, which provide details regarding dynastic history. But these are greatly outnumbered by records of pious donations made by ordinary men and women from diverse social backgrounds. These form a valuable source of information on social history and the patronage of religious establishments. Unlike many ancient texts, which are difficult to date and which offer a normative perspective of socio-religious elites, inscriptions take us into the realm of actual practice, telling us about things that people were actually doing in ancient times.

COPPER COINS OF THE YAUDHEYAS, AYODHYA, AND THE KUNINDAS

The expansion of state polities and the spread of urban centres and trade led to important developments in coinage. The Indo-Greeks introduced bilingual and bi-script legends on their die-struck coins, and almost all our information on these kings comes from their coinage. The Kushanas minted large quantities of gold coins, as well as copper coins of low denominational value. In the Deccan, the Satavahanas issued coins of silver, copper, lead, and potin. Roman gold coins fl owed into peninsular India in large quantities in the course of flourishing Indo-Roman trade intractions. Locally made imitations of Roman gold coins were also made and used. Some of the punch-marked coins found in the far south can be tentatively identified as dynastic issues on the basis of their motifs. There are also definite dynastic issues with legends—some with portraits—of the Chola, Chera, and Pandya kings.

A number of interesting coins (mostly made of copper or bronze) throw light on political and economic institutions of the time. These include those issued by non-monarchical states such as the Arjunayanas, Uddehikas, Malavas, and Yaudheyas. A number of 'city coins' were presumably issued by the urban administration of cities such as Tripuri, Ujjayini, Kaushambi, Vidisha, Airikina, Mahishmati, Madhyamika, Varanasi, and Taxila. A handful of negama (nigama) coins reflect the power and authority of merchant guilds.

The Political History of North India

THE SHUNGAS

2

According to the Harshacharita, Pushyamitra, commander-in-chief of the Maurya army, killed the Maurya king Brihadratha while the latter was inspecting his troops.This coup brought an end to Maurya rule in 187 BCE. The Puranas describe Pushyamitra as belonging to the Shunga family. There are several references to Shunga teachers in Vedic texts, and the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad mentions a teacher named Shaungiputra. Panini connects the Shungas with the Brahmana Bharadvaja gotra. Kalidasa’s Malavikagnimitra describes Agnimitra, son of Pushyamitra, as belonging to the Baimbika kula (family/lineage) and Kashyapa gotra. While they differ in detail, all these sources indicate that the Shungas were Brahmanas.

Pushyamitra’s empire extended over only part of the erstwhile Maurya empire. It included Pataliputra (which was still the capital), Ayodhya, and Vidisha. According to the Divyavadana and Taranatha’s account, it also included Jalandhara and Shakala in the Punjab. Pushyamitra placed viceroys in at least some parts of his empire. In the Malavikagnimitra, Agnimitra is the viceroy at Vidisha. This drama also refers to the conflict between Pushyamitra and Yajnasena, king of Vidarbha (the eastern Maharashtra area) and the victory of the Shungas.

PRIMARY SOURCES

The Besnagar pillar inscription of Heliodorus

An interesting inscription of the Shunga period is inscribed on a pillar at Besnagar, the site of ancient Vidisha. The inscription is in Prakrit (with a few Sanskritic spellings) and is written in the Brahmi script. It consists of six lines that can be translated as follows:

This garuda-pillar of Vasudeva, the god of gods was constructed here by Heliodora [Heliodorus], the Bhagavata, son of Diya [Dion], of Takhkhasila [Taxila], the Greek ambassador who came from the Great King

Amtalakita [Antialkidas] to king

Kasiputra [Kashiputra] Bhagabhadra, the Saviour,

Prospering in [his] fourteenth year.

The other side of the pillar has a short inscription, translated as follows:

[These?] three steps to immortality, when correctly followed, lead to heaven: control, generosity and attention.

The Besnagar pillar inscription indicates that the Shungas continued the Maurya tradition of entertaining ambassadors from Greek courts. Kasiputa Bhagabhadra is identified either as the fifth Shunga king Bhadraka or the ninth king Bhagavata. Amtalakita was the Indo-Greek ruler Antialkidas, known from coins.

What is even more interesting is that Heliodorus, the Greek ambassador, describes himself as a Bhagavata—i.e., a worshipper of the god Vasudeva Krishna, and that he set up this pillar in honour of this god. The garuda is a fantastic bird, the vehicle of Vishnu. The foundations of a structure near the pillar no doubt represent remains of the ancient temple in front of which the Greek ambassador left an inscribed record of his devotion.

SOURCE Salomon, 1998: 265–67

The Shungas also clashed with the Bactrian Greeks. Giving an example of an event belonging to the recent past, the 2nd century BCE grammarian Patanjali refers to the yavanas coming up to Saketa (in or around Ayodhya in Faizabad district, UP) and Madhyamika (near Chittor in Rajasthan). During this period, yavana was a general term used in Indian texts for foreigners from the West, including the Greeks. In this case, it refers to the Bactrian Greeks. Patanjali also mentions sacrifices performed for Pushyamitra. The Malavikagnimitra narrates the story of a military encounter between prince Vasumitra (son of Agnimitra) and a Yavana army on the banks of the Sindhu. Whether this was the Indus or a river in central India is a matter of debate. The conflict apparently took place when, in the course of Pushyamitra’s ashvamedha sacrifice, the Yavanas challenged the horse which was accompanied by the young prince and his soldiers. In Kalidasa’s drama, the Yavanas are defeated and the horse brought safely home. It is not certain who the leader of the Bactrian Greek army was. Menander, Demetrius, and Eukratides have been suggested as possible candidates, but it was probably Demetrius. The Ayodhya stone inscription of king Dhana refers to Pushyamitra as a

performer of two ashvamedha sacrifices. The Divyavadana gives stories of Pushyamitra’s cruelty and his animosity towards Buddhism.

Ten Shunga kings are supposed to have ruled for a total of 112 years. According to the Puranas, the last ruler of this line was Devabhuti or Devabhumi. The Harshacharita narrates that he became the victim of a conspiracy masterminded by his Brahmana minister Vasudeva, who went on to found the Kanva dynasty. The remnants of Shunga rule probably survived in central India for some time, till the rise of the Satavahanas. In Magadha, the Kanvas made way for the Mitras in c. 30 BCE. The Mitras were, in turn, eventually dislodged by the Shakas.

MAP 8.1 DYNASTIES OF INDIA AND CENTRAL ASIA, C. 200 BCE–300 CE

THE INDO-GREEKS

Bactria is the ancient name of the area lying to the south of the Oxus river and north-west of the Hindu Kush mountains, and corresponds to the northern part of modern Afghanistan. The Greeks of Bactria were originally satraps (subordinate rulers) of the Seleucid Empire of West Asia. In about

the mid-3rd century BCE, Diodotus I revolted against the Seleucids and established an independent Bactrian Greek kingdom. The Bactrians extended their control into other areas as well. By the early 2nd century BCE, they had moved into the area south of the Hindu Kush. In c. 145 BCE, they lost their hold over Bactria, but continued to rule in the north-western part of the subcontinent for a few decades. The Bactrian Greeks who ruled over parts of north-west India between the 2nd century BCE and the early 1st century CE are known as the Indo-Greeks or Indo-Bactrians.

The site of Sirkap at Taxila was occupied from the Indo-Greek period onwards, but most of the available evidence relates to the subsequent Shaka–Parthian phase. Aï-Khanoum, a site located at the confluence of the Amu Daria and Kokcha rivers in Afghanistan, was excavated by a French archaeological team during 1965–78. It revealed a great city that was founded by the Bactrian Greeks in c. 280 BCE and destroyed by nomadic invaders in c. 145 BCE. The architecture of the city and some of the artefacts found here have an unmistakeable Greek stamp.

PRIMARY SOURCES

Coins of the Indo-Greeks

The coins of the Graeco-Bactrians which circulated to the north of the Hindu Kush were made of gold, silver, copper, and nickel. They followed the Attic weight standard and had Greek legends. The coins have royal portraits on the obverse, while the reverse generally depicts Greek deities (such as Zeus, Apollo, and Athena) along with the name and title of the king.

The Indo-Greek coins, which circulated to the south of the Hindu Kush, were made of silver and copper, and were often square in shape. They had bilingual inscriptions in Greek and Kharoshthi (more rarely, Brahmi) and followed an Indian weight standard. Royal portraits occur on the obverse, but the motifs on the reverse include religious symbols that were Indian rather than Greek in inspiration. An interesting coin series was that of king Agathocles, which depicted the god Samkarshana Balarama on the obverse and Vasudeva Krishna on the reverse.

Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek coins discovered in Afghanistan include three major finds—the Mir Zakah hoard found near Gardez, a hoard found at Khisht Tepe near Qunduz, and coins found in hoards or in the course of excavations at Aï-Khanoum. The Mir Zakah hoard comprised 13,083 coins. Of these, 2,757 were Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek. The rest included Indian bent-bar and punch-marked coins, and Indo-Scythian, Indo-Parthian, and Kushana coins. The Qunduz hoard consisted of 627 silver coins. Of these, 624 were Graeco-Bactrian and three Seleucid. Many coins—including pre-Seleucid, Seleucid, Graeco-Bactrian, Indo-Greek, Indian punch-marked coins, and a few Kushana coins—were discovered in the course of excavations at this site. A smaller hoard at Aï-Khanoum included six coins of the Indo-Greek king Agathocles and 677 Indian punch-marked coins found in the palace area, which seems to have been buried when the city was abandoned. Another hoard, comprising 63 Greek and Graeco-Bactrian coins, was found in the kitchen of a large house outside the north wall of the city. The Aï-Khanoum coins included some coin types that had not hitherto been found any where else. The discovery of 10 unstruck bronze flans at Aï-Khanoum indicates that a mint was located here.

The problems in understanding the Indo-Greek coins include interpreting the significance of the monograms and additional letters and numbers on some coins. Monograms are generally identified as marks of a mint or moneyer. But when different monograms occur on coins which were made with the same obverse die, they do not seem to be mint marks. As for the numbers, it is unlikely that they were either dates or ordinal numbers identifying different issues. There is a slim possibility that the additional letters represent the engraver’s signature.

Out of the 42 Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek kings, as many as 34 are known only through their coins. The coins of the Shakas, Parthians, and Kshatrapas followed the basic features of Indo-Greek coinage, including bilingual and bi-script legends.

SOURCE Guillaume, 1991

Eucratides I (o.); the Dioscuri (r.)

Hippostratus (o.); king on horse (r.)

Hermaeus with wife Calliope (o.); king on horse (r.)

Menander (o.); goddess Pallas (r.)

The names of many Indo-Greek rulers are known from their coins. However, the details of their reigns, their sequence and chronology, and the extent of their political control remain rather nebulous. The large number of kings within a relatively short period of time suggests that some of them ruled concurrently. Over-struck coins indicate either hostile relations between the two rulers in question or the fact that one of them succeeded the other.

Demetrius I, Demetrius II, Appollodotus, Pantaleon, and Agathocles were responsible for extending Bactrian rule to the south of the Hindu Kush into north-western India. A protracted feud between the ruling houses of Euthydemus and Eukratides began after the reign of Demetrius I. Kings Amyntas, Antialkidas, Archebius, and Hermaeus belonged to the house of Eukratides. The Besnagar pillar inscription suggests that the rule of Antialkidas extended up to Taxila, as his ambassador Heliodorus is described as a native of that city.

SILVER COIN OF APPOLLODOTUS I

One of the most important Indo-Greek rulers was Menander, who can be identified with king Milinda who poses a number of questions to monk Nagasena in the Buddhist text, the Milindapanha. Menander’s rule extended both over parts of Bactria and northwestern India. A fragmentary Kharoshthi inscription on a casket found at Bajaur in the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan refers to relics of the Buddha being enshrined (presumably in a stupa) during the reign of a king named Minedra, who can be identified with Menander. Plutarch tells us that after Menander’s death, there was a conflict over the king’s ashes.

The Parthian defeat of Hermaius in about the last quarter of the 2nd century BCE signalled the end of Greek rule in Bactria and the area immediately to the south of the Hindu Kush. However, Indo-Greek rule continued in the north-western part of the subcontinent. Rulers of this phase included queen Agathokleia and her son Strato, whose joint coin issues have been found. Agathokleia (she may have been one of the queens of Menander I) may have ruled jointly with her son Strato till he came of age. Indo-Greek rule over the Gandhara region came to an end due to conflicts with the Parthians and Shakas. Their control over the area to the east of the Jhelum ended in the late 1st century BCE or early 1st century CE with their defeat at the hands of the Kshatrapa ruler Rajuvula. A significant impact of Indo-Greek rule at the cultural level was the birth of the Gandhara school of art, which will be discussed further on.

THE SHAKA-PAHLAVAS OR SCYTHO-PARTHIANS

In the 6th century BCE, the Shakas, who belonged to Scythian ethnic stock, lived in the plains of the Syr Darya (Jaxartes). In the 3rd century BCE, the consolidation of the Chinese empire by the emperor Qin Shi Huang led to a series of tribal movements in central Asia. In the course of the 2nd century BCE, the Great Yueh Chi tribe displaced the Shakas, who moved southwards into Afghanistan and

thence into north-western India. Ancient Parthia corresponds to Khurasan and the adjoining area south-east of the Caspian Sea, and the people of this area were known as Parthians or Pahlavas. The term Shaka-Pahlava or Scytho-Parthian is used for different groups of invaders who came from Parthia into north-west India in the 1st century BCE.

The history of Scytho-Parthian rule in India is known largely through inscriptions and coins. An inscription found at Taxila mentions a Shaka king named Moga and his kshatrapa (governor) Patika. Moga is identified with Maues or Moa, whose name appears on several copper and silver coins, which are similar to those issued by the Indo-Greeks. One series of silver coins show, the Greek god Zeus with a sceptre in his left hand, with Nike, goddess of victory, on his right palm. It is likely that Maues conquered the Gandhara region from the Indo-Greeks, but the latter soon recovered some of their lost ground.

Other groups of Scytho-Parthian kings known from their coins include Vonones, Spalirises, Azes I, Azilises, and Azes II. Some coins suggest the practice of conjoint rule. For instance, Spalirises seems to have initially been a subordinate associate of Vonones before becoming king in his own right. Spalirises and Azes I seem to have been co-rulers for a time, as were Azes I and Azilises. It may be noted that the Vikrama era of 58/57 BCE (still used in India) was once considered to mark the accession of Vonones, the earliest independent Parthian ruler of eastern Iran, but is now generally thought to mark the accession of Azes I. The Malavas (who originally lived in the Punjab, within the dominion of the Shakas) may have carried its use from the north-west into Rajasthan and adjacent areas when they migrated there. While Vonones and Spalirises ruled over parts of Afghanistan, Azes I seems to have extended his control into the north-west of the Indian subcontinent. Azilises seems to have pushed further east, into the Mathura area.

Another important group of Scytho-Parthian rulers was represented by Gondo-phernes. He is identified with king Guduvhara, mentioned in an inscription found at Takht-i-Bahi, on the basis of which his rule is placed in the mid-1st century CE. On his coins, Gondophernes is associated variously with his nephew Abdagases, his governors Sapadana and Satavastra, and his military governors Aspavarman and Sasa. The successors of Gondophernes were ultimately ousted from north-western India by the Kushanas.

The Shakas and Scytho-Parthians ruled through governors or subordinate rulers known as kshatrapas and mahakshatrapas who played an important role in the expansion of the empire. For instance, the eastward expansion of Scytho-Parthian rule into the Mathura area during the reign of Azilises was probably assisted by Rajuvula. Rajuvula initially had the title kshatrapa, and later mahakshatrapa, but for all practical purposes became an independent ruler in the Mathura area, and was succeeded by his son Sodasha. Various other kshatrapas are known from their inscriptions and coins.

THE KUSHANAS

The Ch’ien Han-shu and Hou Han-shu describe the ripple effects of a series of tribal movements in central Asia. The Hiung-nu defeated the Yueh-chi and the latter moved westwards, displacing the Wu-sun of the Ili basin. At this point, the Yueh-chi split into two. A small section, which came to be known as the Little Yueh-chi, moved south and settled in north Tibet. The Ta-Yueh-chi or Great Yueh-chi moved further west, displacing the Shakas from the Jaxartes area. However, they

themselves were soon driven out by the Wu-sun, assisted by the Hiung-nu, and were forced to move on into the valley of the Oxus, finally settling down in Afghanistan.

There were five Great Yueh-chi principalities, one of which was the Kuei-shang (Kushanas). The five principalities were all dependent on a central Great Yueh-chi authority. Going by recent evidence, a Kuei-shang ruler named Miaos (or Eraos) seems to have extended his rule to the north of the Oxus and established an independent Kuei-shang principality in the second half of the 1st century BCE. In the early 1st century CE, Kujula Kadphises (also known as Kadphises I) amalgamated the five principalities and laid the foundations of a unified Kushana empire. The fact that his coins have been found south of the Hindu Kush suggests that Kushana movement into the Indian subcontinent began in his time. Kujula Kadphises’ son Vima Kadphises started off as a co-ruler with his father and went on to rule independently. He conquered Kandahar from the Parthians, and during his reign, the Kushanas pressed further east and established their control over the Indus valley and the Mathura region. While the coins of Kadphises I suggest an association with Buddhism, those of Vima proclaim him a devotee of Shiva.

GOLD COIN OF HUVISHKA

The Kushana empire reached its zenith during the reign of Kanishka. There has been a longstanding debate about the date of Kanishka’s accession. Today, most scholars accept that his reign began in 78 CE and that his successors dated their inscriptions in an era beginning from this year. (Some scholars consider this era to date from the accession of the Kardamaka Kshatrapa ruler Chashtana.) Much later, when memory of its origins had been obscured, this era came to be known as the Shaka era. During Kanishka’s reign, the Kushana empire expanded further east into the Ganga valley and southwards into the Malwa region. Kushana influence was felt in western and central India as well, where the Shaka kshatrapas acknowledged the overlordship of their Kushana

overlords. The discovery of Kushana coins as far east as Bengal and Orissa does not necessarily indicate that their political control extended this far in the east.

B. N. Mukherjee (1970) has suggested that the presence of diamond mines in Akara (eastern Malwa) and the trade potential of the lower Indus country led to Kushana expansion into these areas. The Hou Han-shu states that the Kushanas became wealthy and powerful due to their conquest of Shen-tu (the lower Indus region). This was no doubt due to ports on the Makran coast becoming important in Indian Ocean trade networks. Mukherjee further argues that there was a connection between the decline of this trade and the decline of the Kushana empire. Kanishka’s empire probably included most of Afghanistan (except Seistan), the easternmost part of Xinjiang in China, and extended upto the north of the Oxus river in central Asia. The incorporation of these regions proved to be a major stimulus to trade. Towards the end of his long reign, Kanishka seems to have led an unsuccessful military expedition into central Asia against the Chinese. He was defeated by general Pan-chao and forced to pay tribute to emperor Ho-ti.

COPPER COIN OF SOTER MEGAS

GOLD COIN OF KANISHKA III

Kanishka is celebrated in Buddhist texts as a great patron of Buddhism. He is supposed to have enshrined the Buddha’s relics in a stupa at Purushapura, which became the centre of a major monastery. An important Buddhist conclave was held during his reign—it is not certain whether in Kashmir, Gandhara, or Jalandhara. Kanishka is said to have patronized Buddhist scholars such as Ashvaghosha and Vasumitra. Missionaries were sent to Kashgar, Yunan, and China. On the other hand, this king’s coinage (like that of Huvishka) depicts motifs drawn from a great variety of Indian, Greek, and West Asian religious traditions. Apart from the Buddha and Shiva, they include representations of Persian gods such as Atash (a fire god) and Mithra (a sun god), and Greek deities such as Helios (a sun god) and Selene (a moon goddess). This variety of religious motifs is usually taken as reflecting the king’s personal religious eclecticism or his attitude of religious ‘tolerance’. At the level of royal policy, it can be seen as an acknowledgement of the religious diversity within the empire and the attempts of these kings to connect themselves with the deities worshipped in and around their realm.

The Kushana empire began as a central Asian kingdom, and expanded into Afghanistan and northwestern India. The centre of this huge empire was Bactria. This is evident in the use of the Bactrian language in Kanishka’s coins and inscriptions. The Hou Han-shu indicates that the Kushana capital was located at Lan-shih in eastern Bactria. In India, the two important political centres of Kushana power were Purushapura (Peshawar) and Mathura. Excavations at many sites in north India, at central Asian sites such as Kara-tepe and Dalverzin tepe, and at Surkh Kotal in Afghanistan have added to our information about this period.

The immediate successors of Kanishka were Vasishka, Huvishka, Kanishka II, and Vasudeva I. A massive rock at Hunza, between the Karakoram highway and the Hunza river, has a number of Kharoshthi inscriptions mentioning the names of Kadphises, Kanishka, Huvishka, and various

kshatrapas and mahakshatrapas. The empire started declining from the time of Vasudeva I, in about the mid-2nd century CE, and Vasudeva II was the last Kushana emperor. Kushana rule in northwestern India made way for the Sassanians in the second quarter of the 3rd century CE. However, some remnants seem to have lingered on in the area till as late as the 4th century.

The Kushana kings used the title devaputra. Historians have described them as exalting the position of the king to the extent of projecting him as divine, an idea quite common in other ancient empires. It has been suggested that the shrine at Mat near Mathura may have been a sanctuary where images of these kings were worshipped. However, this has not been established beyond all doubt. The Kushana empire consisted of various tiers of control. Some areas were under the direct control of the kings and others under subordinate rulers with the title kshatrapa or mahakshatrapa. Some of the subordinate rulers merely acknowledged Kushana paramountcy and paid tribute. Others, such as the Kshatrapa Chashtana, recognized the suzerainty of the Kushana emperor but were more or less autonomous.

RECENT DISCOVERIES

The Rabatak inscription

In 1993, an inscribed stone slab was discovered along with pieces of a lion sculpture and ruins of a temple on a hill called Kafir’s Castle in Rabatak in Baghlan province, Afghanistan. Sayyid Jafar, governor of the province, invited Tim Porter, a British citizen working for a charity organization, to photograph the remains, and urged him to send one of the photographs to the British Museum. The photograph that Porter sent off was of an inscribed rectangular piece of whitish stone, 90 cm wide, 50 cm high, and 25 cm thick.

The 23-line inscription, written in the Bactrian language and Greek script, proved to be a valuable record belonging to Kanishka’s reign. It describes Kanishka as ‘the great deliverer, the righteous, the just, the autocrat, the god, one who is worthy of worship, who has obtained kingship from Nana [a West Asian goddess] and all the gods. . .’ He is also referred to as a king of kings and a son of the gods. Kanishka is said to have replaced the use of the Ionian (Greek) language with the noble (arya) Bactrian language.

According to the Rabatak inscription, Kanishka commanded an officer named Shaphara to construct a bago-laggo (temple) wherein images of the goddess Nana and several other deities were to be installed. The king also commanded this officer to make images of his (i.e., Kanishka’s) great-grandfather Kujula Kadphises, his grandfather Saddashkana, his father Vima Kadphises, and of Kanishka himself. Saphara built the temple, and a person named Nokonzoka led worship there, according to the royal command. The inscription invokes several deities to ensure Kanishka’s health and victory. It states that the great king worshipped the deities enshrined in the temple. It also suggests that Kanishka started a new era from the year of his accession.

The Rabatak inscription throws important light on Kushana genealogy. N. Sims-Williams and Joe Cribb thought that line 13 referred to a hitherto unknown Kushana king named Vima Takto, son of Kujula Kadphises. However, B. N. Mukherjee argues that the correct reading of the name is Saddaskana (Sadashkana), who was a son of Kujula Kadphises. The inscription also clearly indicates that Vima Kadphises and Kanishka were father and son.

The inscription states that Kanishka’s empire included Kaundinya, Ujjayini, Saketa, Kaushambi, Pataliputra, and Champa, and makes the exaggerated claim that his rule extended over the whole of India. It suggests that the empire extended up to Pataliputra and Champa in the east. Kaundinya or Kundina has been identified with Kaundinyapura on the Wardha river in the Amaravati district of Maharashtra, and this may have marked the southern border of the empire.

The inscription also throws important light on the Kushana conception of kingship. Kanishka claims to have obtained kingship through the agency of a number of mostly Zoroastrian deities, headed by the goddess Nana. There is also mention of images of the reigning king and his predecessors in connection with the temple that had been built.

Stone statues of Kushana kings have been found in temples at Surkh Kotal in Afghanistan and Mat near Mathura, and it is possible that similar images may yet be discovered at Rabatak. The crucial question is: Were the kings’s statues attendant figures in temples dedicated to various gods, or were the royal images worshipped in these temples? Did the Kushana kings lay claim to a close connection with the gods, or did they claim to be gods themselves?

SOURCE Mukherjee, 1995

The decline of the Kushanas led to the resurfacing of several polities which had been temporarily subdued by them. The Shaka Kshatrapas came to the fore in western and central India. Coins, seals, sealings, and inscriptions give evidence of several monarchies and ganas in different parts of north India. These included the Arjunayanas, who were located in the Bharatpur and Alwar area. Their coins bear the legend Arjunayananam jayah (victory to the Arjunayanas) in late 1st century BCE Brahmi. The Malavas were originally located in the Punjab; from here, a large section of them migrated to Rajasthan. Their capital was Malavanagara, identified with modern Nagar. Large numbers of coins referring to the Malava janapada have been found in and around this place. Some bear the legend jayo Malavanam or Malavanam jayah. A lead seal found at Rairh has a legend referring to the Malava janapada in Brahmi letters of the 2nd century BCE. The Yaudheya gana lived in eastern Punjab and the adjoining areas of Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. Their coins have been found in the area from Multan to Saharanpur. A clay sealing found at Sunet near Ludhiana has a bull motif and the legend Yaudheyanam jaya-mantradharanam (of the Yaudheyas, the possessors of the secret charm of winning victories). Coins and coin moulds of the Yaudheyas at this site suggest that Karttikeya was the tutelary deity of these people.

COPPER COIN OF THE YAUDHEYAS

LOCAL COIN OF UJJAIN

The monarchies of this period included a number of kings ruling over parts of north and central India, who are referred to collectively as Naga kings due to the ‘naga’ suffix in their names. Their names, taken together with the evidence of texts and sculpture, indicate the popularity of the worship of nagas (snake deities) in these areas. Several Naga kings are known from inscriptions, coins, seals and sealings. The Puranas mention the rule of a line of nine Naga kings ruling from Padmavati (identified with modern Pawaya in Gwalior district, MP). Some coins bearing the name of a ruler (maharaja) named Ganendra or Ganapa have been found at Padmavati (as well as at Mathura and Vidisha); others found in the same area name other Naga rulers as well. The Puranas also refer to seven Naga kings ruling from Mathura. Most of the coins of this period from the Mathura area give names of rulers ending in the suffix ‘mitra’ or ‘datta’. Inscriptions and coins also name various local dynasties ruling from Ahichchhatra, Ayodhya, and Kaushambi.

The Shaka Kshatrapas of Western India

As mentioned earlier, the Scytho-Parthians ruled through their kshatrapas (viceroys or subordinate rulers). Some of them continued to have a hold over parts of western India during the Kushana period. An early Kshatrapa line of western India was represented by Mambarus, who is mentioned in the Periplus. In the early centuries CE, there were two important lines of Kshatrapa rulers—the Kshaharatas and Kardamakas.

The Kshaharata dynasty included rulers such as Bhumaka and Nahapana. Bhumaka seems to have originally owed allegiance to Kanishka. His coins, with legends in Brahmi and Kharoshthi, have been found in coastal Gujarat; some also occur in Malwa and the Ajmer area. We know more about the reign of Nahapana (c. 119–25 CE). Apart from his coins, there are several inscriptions dated in an era, probably the Shaka era of 78 CE. In his earlier inscriptions, Nahapana has the title kshatrapa,

and in his later ones mahakshatrapa and rajan. On his gold and silver coins, he is simply styled rajan. As none of his inscriptions mention any overlord, he seems to have been ruling more or less independently. Nahapana’s coins have been found in the Ajmer area of Rajasthan and the Nashik area in Maharashtra. An inscription of one of his amatyas named Aryaman has been found at Junnar in Pune district. At its height, the kingdom seems to have included Malwa, Gujarat, Saurashtra, northern Maharashtra, and parts of Rajasthan and the lower Indus valley. The capital Minnagara can perhaps be identified with Doha, midway between Ujjain and Broach. Nahapana’s son-in-law Ushavadata was viceroy of the southern part of the kingdom. Several of his donative inscriptions have been found in the Nashik and Karle caves.

The Shaka Kshatrapas were involved in prolonged conflict with the Satavahanas, a powerful dynasty with its stronghold in the Deccan. Control over certain areas, especially those that gave access to the western seaboard, seems to have frequently changed hands. The Nashik and Pune areas, for instance, seem to have been conquered from the Satavahanas either by Nahapana or one of his predecessors. However, in or soon after 124–25 CE, Nahapana was apparently killed by the Satavahana ruler Gautamiputra Satakarni, who wrested the southern territories of the Kshaharata kingdom. This is evident from the discovery of Gautamiputra’s inscriptions in the Nashik and Pune districts, his re-striking Nahapana’s coins, and certain statements made in an inscription of Gautamiputra’s mother, Gautami Balashri.

COIN OF NAHAPANA

At about the time that the Kshaharata dynasty came to an end, another line of Shaka Kshatrapas known as the Kardamakas came to the fore in western India. The founder of this dynasty was Chashtana. He is styled kshatrapa on his earlier coins and mahakshatrapa on his later ones, the additional title of rajan occuring throughout. Chashtana may have originally ruled in the Sind area as a subordinate of the Kushanas. After Nahapana’s death, he seems to have been a viceroy of the south-

western provinces of the Kushana empire. The Kardamakas had a practice of senior and junior rulers, who had the titles mahakshatrapa and kshatrapa respectively. For instance, during the lifetime of mahak-shatrapa Chashtana, his son Jayadaman, and later his grandson Rudradaman I, were kshatrapas. Chashtana was succeeded as mahakshatrapa by Rudradaman I some time after 130–31 CE. Both these rulers were successful in winning back some of the territories conquered by Gautamiputra Satakarni from Nahapana.

PRIMARY SOURCES

A lake, a storm, and a king

A rock at Junagadh in Gujarat bears a set of Ashokan edicts, an inscription of the Kardamaka ruler Rudradaman, and an inscription of the Gupta king Skandagupta. While Ashoka’s inscriptions contain his discourses on dhamma, the other two tell a unique story of the construction, maintenance, and repair of a water reservoir over about 1,000 years. Rudradaman’s inscription, consisting of 20 lines of writing, is inscribed near the top of the rock. Several portions of the text are too damaged to read. The script is Brahmi, the language Sanskrit, and the style elegant and literary. In fact, this is the first long inscription in Sanskrit in the subcontinent.

The purpose of the inscription is to record the restoration of a reservoir called Sudarshana lake by the mahak-shatrapa Rudradaman. The construction of this reservoir was started by Vaishya Pushyagupta, the provincial governor of Chandragupta Maurya. It was completed by the Yavana Tushaspha, governor of the area during Ashoka’s reign. The inscription goes on to tell us that many years later, during the reign of Rudradaman, in the winter of the year 72 (no doubt, of the Shaka era, i.e., 150 CE), there was a terrible storm. We are told (line 6) that ‘the clouds, pouring with rain, had converted the earth, as it were, into one ocean, by the excessively swollen floods of the Suvarnasikata, Palashini and other streams of mount Urjayat [Girnar]’. The storm, which was ‘of a most tremendous fury befitting the end of a yuga, tore down hill tops, trees, banks, turrets, upper stories, gates, and raised palaces of shelter.’ Stones, trees, bushes, and creepers lay scattered all over. Although precautions had been taken, the storm tore a breach 420 cubits long and wide, and 75 cubits deep into the lake’s embankments. All its water flowed out, and the lake came to resemble a sandy desert. The Sudarshana (literally, ‘beautiful to look at’) lake became durdarshana (ugly to look at).

People lamented the terrible event. So great was the damage that Rudradaman’s counsellors and executive officers thought the lake was beyond repair. But Rudradaman went right ahead and ordered the job done. The work was supervised by the provincial governor of the province of Anarta and Surashtra—the amatya Suvishakha. Suvishakha was a Pahlava and the son of Kulaipa. He is praised as an exemplary officer—able, patient, self-controlled, upright, honest, and not given to arrogance. The lake was reinforced and made three times as strong in length and breadth on all sides in a very short time, without oppressing the inhabitants of towns and villages by taxes, forced labour, or any other impositions. The inscription tells us that Rudradaman had

all this done in order to benefit cows and Brahmanas for a thousand years, and for the sake of righteousness (dharma) and fame (kirti).

The inscription also contains an eloquent eulogy (prashasti) of Rudradaman. The genealogy includes his father Jayadaman and grandfather Chashtana. He is described as having become the lord of Akara, Avanti, the Anupa country, Anarta, Surashtra, Svabhra, Maru, Kachchha, Sindhu, Sauvira, Kukura, Aparanta, Nishada, and other countires by dint of his own valour. He is said to have destroyed the Yaudheyas, who had become arrogant and were claiming to be heroes by defeating all the Kshatriyas. He is described as having defeated Satakarni, lord of Dakshinapatha, twice in fair fight, sparing his life only because he was a close relative. We are told that the towns, villages, and markets of this king were never troubled by robbers, snakes, wild beasts, or diseases. His subjects were attached to him, and as a result of his prowess, attained the goals of dharma, artha, and kama.

The elaborate, poetic description of Rudradaman describes him as one who was distinguished by royal fortune right from the time he was in his mother’s womb; who had been chosen by all varnas as their lord to protect them; who had made a vow never to kill men except in battle; who was moved by compassion; who reinstated deposed kings; who by raising his hand had earned the strong attachment of dharma; who had earned wide fame by his knowledge and practice of grammar, music, logic, and other great sciences; who was skilled in the control of horses, elephants, and chariots, in the use of sword and shield, and in face-to-face combat; who was generous and in the habit of bestowing gifts and honours on others; who showed respect to others and avoided disrespect; whose treasury was overflowing with gold, silver, diamonds, lapis lazuli, and other precious things through rightfully obtained tribute, tolls, and shares; who was a composer of Sanskrit kavyas in prose and verse, embellished with figures and the proper use of words, and possessing lucidity, sweetness, vividness, and brilliance; whose body was marked by the most excellent marks and signs such as auspicious length, dimension, height, voice, gait, complexion, vigour, and strength; and who had been wreathed with many garlands at the svayamvaras of many kings’ daughters. To what extent Rudradaman actually possessed these qualities is anybody’s guess. The inscription offers a portrait of an ideal king, according to the standards and in the idiom of the time.

As for Sudarshana lake, Skandagupta’s inscription tells us that it burst its banks again in 455–56 CE during the reign of this Gupta king, and that he too had it repaired.

SOURCE Kielhorn, 1905–06

The Kardamaka ruler Rudradaman I is known from his coins, but more so from his Junagarh inscription, dated in the Shaka year 72, i.e., 150–51 CE. This inscription proclaims his wide conquests over areas including Malwa, Saurashtra, Gujarat, northern Konkan, and the Maheshwar area on the Narmada. It states that he twice defeated Sata-karni, lord of the Dakshinapatha, but did not destroy him since he was a close relative. The Satakarni mentioned here seems to be none other than Gautamiputra Satakarni. Rudradaman’s daughter seems to have been married to Gautamiputra’s

son, Vasishthiputra Pulumavi. Rudradaman’s empire included all the territories of the erstwhile Kshaharata kingdom, except the Nashik and Pune areas.

During the late 2nd century CE, the Satavahana king Yajna Satakarni won some of the southern territories of the Kardamakas. In the course of the next century, the latter lost their northern dominions to the Malavas and Abhiras. The last Kshatrapa ruler who definitely belonged to the line of Chashtana was Vishvasena, who ruled at the end of the 3rd century CE. Thereafter, a new line of Kshatrapa rulers was established by Rudrasimha II.

SILVER COIN OF RUDRASIMHA I, KARDAMAKA DYNASTY

The Satavahana Empire in the Deccan

Ashokan inscriptions suggest Maurya contact with the Deccan, especially the southern Deccan. B. D. Chattopadhyaya [1987], 2003 has emphasized the importance of numismatic evidence which indicates the existence of numerous small political principalities (he calls them ‘localities’) that sprang up in various parts of the Deccan after the decline of the Maurya empire and before the advent of the Satavahanas. Coins of local rulers, often bearing the title maharathi have been found in stratigraphic contexts at sites such as Verrapuram at pre-Satavahana and Satavahana levels. At Brahmapuri, coins of Kura rulers have been found at pre-Satavahana levels. Unstratified coin finds at Kotalingala give the names of several local rulers such as Gobhadra, Samigopa, Chimuka, Kamvaya, and Narana. A raja named Khubiraka is mentioned in a late 2nd century BCE inscription found on a relic casket at Bhattiprolu. All this suggests a significant increase in the power and status of local elites during the 2nd–1st centuries BCE. The Rathikas and Bhojas mentioned in Ashoka’s inscriptions were transformed into the maharathis and mahabhojas of pre-Satavahana times.

The Satavahanas are identified with the Andhras of the Puranas. The Matsya and Brahmanda Puranas list 30 kings who ruled for a total of 460 years, while the Vayu Purana lists 17 kings who

ruled for 300 years. Some rulers known from coins and inscriptions are not mentioned in the Puranic lists. There is disagreement about the chronology of the dynasty. Some historians place the beginning of Satavahana rule in c. 271 BCE and others in c. 30 BCE. It is likely that the rule of this dynasty began in the mid-1st century BCE and ended in the early 3rd century CE.

COPPER COIN OF VASISHTHIPUTRA PULUMAVI, SATAVAHANA DYNASTY

Historians are also divided on whether the Satavahanas initially came to power in the eastern or western Deccan. The fact that the Puranas call them Andhras suggests that they were originally based in the Andhra region or that they belonged to the Andhra tribe. The term Andhra-bhritya in the Puranas is taken by some historians to indicate that the ancestors of the Satavahanas were subordinates of the Mauryas (bhritya means servant or subordinate). However, Andhra-bhritya could also mean ‘servants of the Andhras’, and further, it may apply not to the Satavahanas but to their successors. Apart from the name ‘Andhra’, the discovery of early Satavahana coins at Kotalingala and Sangareddy in the Karimnagar district of Andhra Pradesh has been used to support the hypothesis that the Satavahanas began their rule in the eastern Deccan. On the other hand, inscriptions in the Naneghat and Nashik caves point to the western Deccan as their original locus. Accordingly, some historians argue that the Satavahanas initially established their hold over the area around Pratishthana (modern Paithan) in the western Deccan, and expanded from there into the eastern Deccan, Andhra, and the western coast.

PRIMARYSOURCES

The royal portrait gallery in the Naneghat cave

In a niche in the back wall of a cave at Naneghat in Pune district, Maharashtra, are traces of relief sculptures of eight life-size figures. The only features of the sculptures that can now be made out are the feet, and in some cases even these are barely distinguishable. The names of the figures are carved in large Brahmi letters over their heads, without which it would have been difficult to identify them.

The label inscriptions indicate that the portraits of the following people were carved in the cave:

1.

the illustrious king (raya si) Simuka Satavahana

2,3. queen (sirimato devi) Nayanika/Naganika and the illustrious king (rano) Satakarni

4.

prince (kumara) Bhayala

5.

(the name of the 5th person is lost)

6.

maharathi Tranakayira

7.

prince (kumara) Haku-shri

8.

prince (kumara) Satavahana

On the left and right side walls of the same cave is a long inscription in the same language and script. The text is damaged in many places. It is an inscription of a queen, her name too damaged to be read, inscribed after the death of her husband, during the reign of her son Vedashri. She is described as the daughter-in-law of a Satavahana king (i.e., Simuka), the daughter of a great warrior born in the Angiya family of the Nagas, the wife of Satakarni, and the mother of Vedashri. The inscription suggests that the queen was leading a life of piety and restraint befitting a chaste widow, observing various fasts and vows. It mentions 18 sacrifices, some of which she must have participated in during the lifetime of her husband (including two ashvamedhas and one rajasuya) and others which she performed through her family priest after her husband’s death. The queen of this inscription seems to be none other than Nayanika (or Naganika) of the royal portrait label inscription. Recently, a silver coin bearing the names of king Satakarni and Naganika were found at Junnar near Naneghat.

The Pratima-nataka, a drama written by Bhasa, tells us that when Bharata, the younger brother of Rama, saw images of his father Dasharatha along with three of his ancestors in a pratima-griha (statue house), he realized that his father was dead, as only statues of dead kings were placed in such a house. On the basis of this reference, some historians think that the kings Simuka and Satakarni, and the princes too, were dead when the Naneghat portrait gallery was created. On the other hand, V. V. Mirashi argues that the figures were carved in two installments—the first six in about the middle of Satakarni’s reign and the last two later. He argues that the princes Haku-shri and Satavahana were dead by the time their portraits were carved in the cave. Interestingly, no one holds that queen Naganika was dead at the time.

Many aspects of the Naneghat inscriptions are still debated. But that fact that the queen’s image was carved in the cave, that she had a long inscription inscribed in the same cave, that she proudly refers to her own lineage, and that she is depicted along with her husband on coinage— all clearly indicate that Naganika was a royal woman of importance and authority.

SOURCE Mirashi, 1981: 17–20

The Satavahana empire eventually came to cover modern Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra; at times it also included northern Karnataka, eastern and southern Madhya Pradesh, and Saurashtra. Pliny mentions the Andhra country as including many villages and 30 walled towns, and states that its rulers had a large army of 100,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and 1,000 elephants.

Given the controversy over the date of the beginning of Satavahana rule, it is difficult to give absolute dates for the various rulers of this dynasty. However, the sequence of rulers is fairly certain. The founder Simuka was succeeded by his brother Kanha, who extended the empire westward at least as far as Nashik. The third king of the dynasty was Satakarni I, who enjoyed a long reign of about 56 years.

Kharavela, the Chedi king of Kalinga (in eastern India), claims in his Hathigumpha inscription to have defied a king named Satakarni in his second regnal year. He also claims that two years later, he defeated the Rathikas of the Maratha country and the Bhojas of Vidarbha, who seem to have been subordinates of the Satavahanas. Some scholars think that these events took place during the reign of Satakarni I, while others think they occurred during the reign of a later king with the same name. Satakarni I seems to have conquered western Malwa. Naganika’s inscription in the Naneghat cave describes him as lord of Dakshinapatha. Later Satavahana kings included Hala, 17th in the line, who is supposed to have authored the Gatha Sattasai, a collection of 700 erotic poems in the Maharashtri Prakrit dialect.

As mentioned earlier, the Satavahanas and Shakas were involved in prolonged conflict. Control over the premier ports such as Bhrigukachcha (Broach), Kalyan, and Suparaka (Sopara) was an important issue in this conflict. The initial expansion of the Kshaharata Kshatrapas must have been at the expense of the Satavahanas. The fortunes of the Satavahanas were revived by Gautamiputra Satakarni, during whose reign the empire seems to have reached its peak. The achievements of this king are described and eulogized in an inscription of his mother Gautami Balashri at Nashik, engraved after his death, during the reign of his son Pulumayi II. He is described as the destroyer of the Shakas, Pahlavas, and Yavanas, as the uprooter of the Kshaharatas, and as the restorer of the glory of the Satavahanas. Gautamiputra defeated Nahapana and recovered many of the territories that the Shakas had earlier wrested from the Satavahanas. A Nashik inscription, dated in the 18th year of Gautamiputra’s reign, records the grant to Buddhist monks of a piece of land that was earlier in the possession of Ushavadata, son-in-law of Nahapana. Another inscription at Karle refers to the grant of Karajika village (identified with a village in Pune district), suggesting that the king’s control extended over the Pune area. A hoard of Nahapana’s coins found at Jogalthambi in Nashik district includes coins that were re-struck by Gautamiputra. Gautamiputra’s coins have been found in the eastern Deccan as well. The Nashik inscription of Gautami Balashri suggests that his rule extended from Malwa and Saurashtra in the north to the Krishna in the south, and from Berar in the east to Konkan in the west. The statement that the king’s horses drank the waters of the three oceans reflects his claim to extensive conquest in trans-Vindhyan India. However, towards the end of his reign, it is possible that Gautamiputra lost some of the territories he had conquered from the Kshaharatas to the Kardamakas.

COPPER COINS OF SATAKARNI I

The coins of Vasishthiputra Pulumayi, the successor of Gautamiputra, have been found in various parts of Andhra Pradesh. Due to his engagements in the east, the Shakas may have got a chance to recover some of their territory. Yajnashri Satakarni was another important Satavahana king. His coins depict ships, some single masted, others double masted. He seems to have revived the struggle against the Shakas, and was probably the last king of his dynasty to control the eastern and western

Deccan. The successors of Yajnashri Satakarni included Gautamiputra Vijaya Satakarni, Chanda Satakarni, Vasishthiputra Vijaya Satakarni, and Pulumavi. Some of the later Satavahana rulers are not mentioned in the Puranic king-lists and are only known through their coins. The Satavahana dynasty came to an end in the mid-3rd century CE. The breakup of the empire paved the way for the rise of the Vakatakas in the Deccan, Kadambas in Mysore, Abhiras in Maharashtra, and Ikshvakus in Andhra.

The Satavahanas claimed Brahmana descent and anchored themselves to the Brahmanical Vedic tradition. The Prakrit Nashik inscription of Gautami Balashri describes Gautamiputra Satakarni as ekabamhana (a peerless Brahmana) and khatiya-dapa-manamada (one who destroyed the haughtiness and pride of the Kshatriyas). References to the performance of the great Vedic sacrifices by Satakarni I in the inscription of Naganika at Naneghat suggest that this was an important means of acquiring political legitimacy. The use of matronyms by the Satavahana kings is significant, but does not constitute evidence of a matriarchal or matrilineal system.

Chattopadhyaya ([1987], 2003) points out that in spite of their grand title of ‘Lord of Dakshinapatha’, it is unlikely that the Satavahanas managed to administratively integrate the entire Deccan. Like the Shakas and Kushanas, they too had a number of subordinate chiefs or rulers who acknowledged their political paramountcy. The maharathis and mahabhojas—local rulers who had emerged in the pre-Satavahana period—were encapsulated and integrated into the Satavahana polity, and continued to be important even after the establishment of Satavahana rule. Coins indicate the sway of families such as the Kuras, Anandas, and the maharathi Hasti in various parts of the Deccan. The maharathis and mahabhojas mentioned in Satavahana inscriptions appear as donors at Buddhist cave sites in the western Deccan; they had matrimonial ties with the Satavahanas and among themselves. The Satavahana empire was divided into a number of large administrative divisions known as aharas. We hear of different sorts of officials such as amatyas, mahamatras, mahasenapatis, and of scribes and record keepers. Villages were governed by village headmen (gramikas).

The earliest inscriptions recording royal grants of land, including those associated with tax exemptions, belong to the Satavahana and Kshatrapa periods. The Naneghat inscription of Naganika (1st century BCE) mentions that villages were among the items offered as dakshina to officiating priests when certain shrauta sacrifices, including the ashvamedha, were performed by her husband Satakarni I. A 2nd century CE Nashik cave inscription of Ushavadata describes the donor as one who has given 16 villages to the gods and Brahmanas. The inscription also records the grant of a field by Ushavadata to provide food for the Buddhist monks dwelling in the cave. An inscription of Gautamiputra Satakarni in one of the Nashik caves belongs roughly to the same period. It records the grant to Buddhist monks of a field located in a village that previously fell within the jurisdiction of Ushavadata. This is the first inscription that associates certain specific privileges and exemptions with a gift of land. It states that the land was not to be entered or disturbed by royal troops, was not to be dug for salt, was free from the control of state officials, and was to enjoy all sorts of immunities (pariharas).

Kings and Chieftains in the Far South: The Cheras, Cholas, and Pandyas

The advent of the early historical period in South India is generally dated to the 3rd century BCE. As mentioned earlier, recent archaeological data from the site of Kodumanal suggests the possibility of earlier beginnings, at least the 4th century BCE. The early kingdoms of Tamilakam—the land between the Tirupati hills (Vengadam) and the southernmost tip of the peninsula—emerged in rice-growing areas of rich agricultural potential. The principality of the Cholas in the lower Kaveri valley corresponded roughly to modern Tanjore and Trichinopoly districts of Tamil Nadu, and had its capital at Uraiyur. The kingdom of the Pandyas in the valleys of the Tamraparni and Vaigai roughly correspond to modern Tirunelveli, Madurai, Ramnad districts, and south Travancore and had its capital at Madurai. The Cheras on the Kerala coast had their capital at Karuvur, also known as Vanji. All these areas participated in the flourishing trade networks of the time. The premier Chola port was Puhar (also known as Kaveripumpattinam), the major Pandya port was Korkai, while Tondi and Muchiri were the important ports in the Chera kingdom.

PUNCH-MARKED COINS FROM ANDHRA AND PANDYA COUNTRY

The major sources of information on the political history of the time are laudatory poems, which often exaggerate the achievements and virtues of rulers. Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions corroborate the historicity and rough dates of some of the rulers mentioned in texts. The Chera, Chola, and Pandya kings were the vendar (crowned kings). These great kings had their special insignia of royalty such as the staff, drum, and umbrella. They also had specific emblems of power—the tiger, bow, and fish were the emblems of the Cholas, Cheras, and Pandyas respectively. Apart from the vendar, there

were a number of chieftains known as velir. Internecine conflict was a feature of the politics of the time. The kings and chieftains also often fought against each other by forming alliances. The lesser rulers no doubt had to pay tribute to their more powerful counterparts.

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Udiyanjeral is the earliest known Chera king.His son was Nedunjeral Adan, described as having defeated seven crowned kings and winning the exalted rank of adhiraja. Poetic exaggeration credits him with extending his conquests upto the Himalaya mountains and carving the Chera bow emblem on them. He defeated an enemy on the Malabar coast and captured several Yavana traders, later releasing them for ransom. He fought a war against a Chola king, an encounter in which both the principal adversaries lost their lives. Kuttuvan, the younger brother of Nedunjeral Adan, is supposed to have conquered Kongu and extended the power of the Cheras up to the eastern and western oceans. One of Adan’s sons is described as an adhiraja who wore a garland of seven crowns. He achieved military successes against Anji, a chieftain of Tagadur, and led an expedition against a ruler named Nannan, who held sway in the area to the north of Malabar.

UNINSCRIBED COPPER COINS OF CHERAS, CHOLAS

PANDYAS

Senguttuvan was another of Adan’s sons. He won a war against the Mokur chieftain. The Silappadikaram, a post-Sangam work, tells us that he attacked Viyalur in the land of Nannan and took the Kodukur fortress in Kongu country. He seems to have successfully backed one of the claimants in a Chola succession conflict, leading to the death of nine other contenders. He is also credited with fighting against an arya chieftain in order to obtain stone for an image of Kannaki (the heroine of the Silappadikaram) and bathing in the Ganga before bringing the stone back to his country. Kudakko Ilanjeral Irumporai is one of the last Chera kings mentioned in the Sangam poems. He is said to have fought victorious wars against the Cholas and Pandyas. Another Chera monarch, Mandaranjeral Irumporai, ruled in the early 3rd century CE. On one occasion, he was captured by the Pandyas, but managed to regain his freedom and return home.

Two almost identical 2nd century CE inscriptions at Pugalur mention three generations of Chera princes of the Irumporai line. They record the construction of a rock shelter for a Jaina monk on the occasion of the investiture ceremony of the heir apparent Ilankatunko, son of Perunkatunkon, and grandson of king Adan Cher Irumporai. The last mentioned ruler can be identified with king Ilanjeral Irumporai mentioned above. The names of another branch of Chera kings have been found in two short inscriptions at Edakal in Kerala, dated on palaeographic grounds to the 3rd century CE.

The Chola king Karikala is associated with many heroic exploits. A poem in the Pattuppattu describes how he was deposed and imprisoned early in his reign, but succeeded in escaping and reestablishing himself as king. Karikala is credited with having defeated a confederacy including the Pandyas, Cheras, and their allies at the battle of Venni. We are told that 11 rulers lost their drums in the field (the royal drum was an important symbol of royal power) and that the Chera king, who suffered a wound in the back, committed ritual suicide by starvation. Karikala is credited with another major victory at Vahaipparandalai. This time, we are told that several chieftains lost their

umbrellas (the umbrella was one of the insignias of royal power). These and other victories suggest that Karikala succeeded in impressing his might over many contemporary kings and chieftains. Another important Chola ruler mentioned in the poems is Tondaiman Ilandiraiyan. He ruled from Kanchi, either as an independent ruler or as a subordinate of Karikala. He was a poet; of his four songs that have survived, one emphasizes that the personal character of a king was important for him to rule well. In later times, the Chola kingdom was racked by a protracted and bitter war between two contenders for the throne—Nalangilli and Nedungilli.

The early Pandya kings included Nediyon, Palshalai Mudukudumi, and Nedunjeliyan. The death of Kovalan, hero of the Silappadikaram, is supposed to have taken place during the reign of the last-mentioned ruler who is said to have died of remorse because of his role in the tragic turn of events. This Nedunjeliyan was followed by another king of the same name. He is credited with many major military victories. It is said that he defeated a confederacy of Cholas, Cheras, and five chieftains at a battle at Talaiyalanganam while he was still very young. (It is in this battle that the Chera king was taken prisoner.) He is also described as having conquered territory from other chieftains. Two early 2nd century BCE Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions from Mangulam record gifts made to Jaina monks by a subordinate and a relative of Nedunjeliyan. Mahadevan suggests that this Nedunjeliyan should probably be placed earlier than the two kings of this name mentioned in Sangam poems. A c.1st century BCE inscription from Alagarmalai mentions a person called Kalu(Katu)mara Natan, who, from his name, seems to have been a Pandya prince or subordinate.

PRIMARY SOURCES

The royal drum

Its black sides glisten, long straps fastened to them faultlessly.

It shines with a garland woven of long, full peacock feathers, blue-sapphire dark, with bright spots, and is splendid with golden shoots of ulinai.

Such is the royal drum, hungry for blood.

Before they brought it back from its bath without knowing I climbed on to its bed and lay on the covering of soft flowers that was like a froth of oil poured down.

Yet you were not angry, you did not use your sharp sword.

Surely that was enough for all of the Tamil lands to learn of it.

But you did not stop there.

You came up to me, you raised your strong arm, as big around as a concert drum; you fanned me

and made me cool. mighty lord, you must have done these things because you know that except for those whose fame is spread across the broad earth no one has a place for long in the high world of paradise.

This is one of many Sangam poems that bring out the close relationship between kings and poets.

The royal drum (murachu) was beaten in the morning to awaken the king, during battle, and on other special occasions. It was made from a special tree and special skin, and was associated with sacred power. The desecration of the drum was considered a very serious offence. In this poem, Mochikirnarin praises Cheraman Takaturerinta Peruncheralirumporai. The poet tells us that he climbed on to the drum by mistake and fell asleep on it. When the king arrived, he did not kill him in fury, but instead fanned him tenderly till he awoke.

SOURCE Purananuru 50; Hart, 1979: 148–49

The Sangam poets also eulogize various chieftains such as Ay, Andiran, and Pari for their bravery and generosity. Pari seems to have held sway in the Pandya country near the hill known as Kodungunram or Piranmalai. Kapilar, who wrote many poems in praise of Pari, seems to have been a loyal camp-follower. He moved to the court of the Chera king Shelvakkadungo Vali Adan only after Pari’s death. Other rulers of the time included Adi-gaiman (also known as Neduman Anji), ruler of Tagadur, who is praised in the poems of the poetess Auvaiyar. Although assisted by the Pandya and Chola kings, he was defeated by Chera Perunjeral Irumporai, whose suzerainty he had to subsequently acknowledge. He died fighting on behalf of the Cheras in an expedition against Pali, the capital of Nannan. This famous chieftain is mentioned in a 1st century CE inscription at Jambai. Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions from Pugalur and Kaniman mention other chieftains as well.

In the Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions found at several places in South India, kings are addressed as ko and the chieftains as ko or kon. Princes have the suffixes ‘ko’ or ‘kon’ in their name. The reference in the Pugalur inscription to an investiture ceremony for the heir apparent is significant. The mention of a subordinate ruler or functionary of the Pandya king in a Mangulam inscription is also noteworthy. A kalatika (superintendent of pearls, i.e., an officer who supervised pearl fisheries) is mentioned in a 2nd century BCE Mangulam inscription; this person was also a member of a merchant guild. A 1st century BCE inscription from Alagarmalai refers to the kanatikan (chief of scribes). Such inscriptions give glimpses into the administrative organization of the Pandyas.

TRANSLITERATION IN ROMAN SCRIPT:

kani-i nata-siri-y kuvan… vel-arai-y nikamatu kaviti-iy kalitika antai asutan pina-u kotupiton

TRANSLATION:

To Nanta-siri Kuvan, the Kani. Antai Assutan, the superintendent of pearls and kaviti of the merchant guild of Vellarai, caused to give the cave (?).

SOURCE Mahadevan, 2003: 318–19

ATAMIL–BRAHMI INSCRIPTION AT MANGULAM

The most important basis of legitimation of political power in early historical South India was the eulogy of the poets. The relationship between poet and patron in ancient Tamilakam was a reciprocal one (Kailasapathy [1968], 2002, 55–93; Shulman, 2001: 74–75). The poet was dependent on his patron for material support and well-being. But the king too was dependent on the poet. It was only the poet’s praise of his generosity and heroism that could lead to his attaining lasting fame. Conversely, the poet’s anger could prove costly for his patron and lead to his ruin. In some poems, poor bards beseech their patrons for favours and gifts. Others indicate that kings would give generously, even if it meant going out on a looting expedition. The relationship between ruler and poet was often very close and intense, based on strong bonds of loyalty, even friendship.

MAP 8.2 TAMIL–BRAHMI AND EARLY VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS (AFTER MAHADEVAN, 2003)

However, Sangam poems also reflect the emergence of new bases of royal prestige and legitimacy —the performance of Brahmanical sacrifices, establishing links with the northern epic tradition, the worship and patronage of certain deities, and the patronage of Jaina ascetics. Several poems refer to the king’s performance of Vedic sacrifices. The Pandya ruler Mudukudumi had the title Palshalai which means ‘one who has many halls’, presumably sacrificial halls. Certain chiefs claimed to have emerged from the sacrificial fire pit of a northern sage, and connected themselves both with the sage Agastya and the god Vishnu. The chieftain Adigaiman is described as having been born in a family which honoured the gods by performing worship and sacrifices. Later tradition credits the Chera

king Senguttuvan as having played an important role in establishing the cult of the goddess Pattini (Kannaki, deified as the epitome of the chaste wife). The Chola king Senganan is described in legend as devoted to Shiva and as having fed the two warring armies on the eve of the Mahabharata war. Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions record the excavation of caves for Jaina monks and nuns by kings, chieftains, and many others.

Champakalakshmi (1996: 92–93) has argued that the urbanization of the Sangam age did not take place in a context of a state polity, and that this was an age of tribal chiefdoms or at the most ‘potential monarchies’. She asserts that the vendar exercised limited control over agricultural tracts and depended on tribute and plunder for their sustenance. However, the evidence of writing, a sophisticated literature, urban centres, specialized crafts, and long-distance trade suggest otherwise. The references in poems to these kings making gifts of gold, gems, muslin, and even horses and elephants suggest a differential access to and control over resources. Kings were involved in long-distance maritime trade as consumers of luxury goods and by developing ports of trade and levying tolls and customs. There is also clear evidence of dynastic coin issues. The existence of at least a rudimentary state structure cannot be denied in the case of the Chola, Chera, and Pandya monarchies, even if these rulers did not have full control over the agrarian plains, a regular or extensive system of taxation, or a centralized coercive machinery.

Villages and Cities

More is known about cities of c. 200 BCE–300 CE than about villages and agriculture. The Jatakas speak of gamas ranging from 30–1,000 kulas (extended families). There are references to gamas associated with particular occupational groups such as reed workers (nalakaras) and salt makers (lonakaras). There is also mention of villages of potters, carpenters, smiths, forest folk, hunters, fowlers, and fishermen. Some of these villages seem to have been located close to cities.

Early Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions offer brief glimpses into aspects of village life in Tamilakam. A 2nd century BCE inscription at Varichiyur records the gift of 100 kalams of rice. A 1st century BCE inscription at Alagarmalai refers to a koluvanikan (trader in ploughshares). The kolu is the hard iron tip fixed to a wooden ploughshare. A 2nd century BCE inscription found at Mudalaikulam seems to refer to the construction of a tank by the assembly (ur) of Vempil village (Mahadevan, 2003: 140, 125). If Mahadevan’s interpretation is correct, this is the earliest inscriptional reference to a village assembly in the Indian subcontinent.

RECENT DISCOVERIES

Plant remains from Sanghol

Compared to earlier periods, there is very little archaeological data about the agricultural economy of settlements in different parts of the subcontinent during the early historical period. There are, however, a few exceptions.

A. K. Pokharia and K. S. Saraswat collected over 300 plant samples from 28 trenches of ‘Kushana’ habitational levels (c. 100–300 CE) at the site of Sanghol (Ludhiana district, Punjab).

They identified carbonized remains of 17 crop plants, four spices and condiments, 11 wild and cultivated fruits, and one dye-plant:

Cereals

Rice (Oryza sativa), two kinds of barley (Hordeum vulgare emend. Bowden; Hordeum vulgare Bowden var. nudum) wheat (Triticum, jowar millet (Sorghum bicolor Moench.)

Pulses

Chickpea (Cicer arietinum), field pea (Pisum arvense), lentil (Lens culinaris Medik), grass pea (Lathyrus sativus), green gram (Vigna radiata Wilczek), black gram (Vigna mungo Hepper), cowpea (Vigna unguiculata Walp.), horse gram (Dolichos biflorus).

Oil seeds

Field Brassica (Brassica juncea Czern and Coss.), sesame (Sesamum indicum, til).

Fibre-crops

Cotton (Gossypium arboreum G. herbaceum).

Spices and condiments

Fenugreek (Trigonella foenum-graecum), coriander (Coriandrum sativum), cumin (Cuminum cyminum), black pepper (Piper nigrum).

Fruits

Date (Phoenix sp.), anwala (Emblica officinalis), jharberi (Zizyphus nummularia), custard apple (Annona squamosa, sitaphal), walnut (Juglans regia), almond (Prunus amygdalus Batsch), grape/raisin (Vitis vinifera), jamun (Syzygium cumini), phalsa (Grewia), reetha (Sapindus cf. emarginatus Vahl./trifoliatus/laurifolius Vahl.), harra (Terminalia chebula Retz.)

Dye plant

Henna (Lawsonia inermis, mehndi)

Various weeds and wild plant species (28 types) were also identified. The results of this study give interesting details about the agricultural economy and food habits of the people who lived at Sanghol in the early centuries CE. Several of the plants are known from earlier cultural contexts in the area, showing a broad continuity in agricultural practices from protohistoric times. However, there are also some new additions. People were using spices in their food. It can only be speculated what henna was used for. The discovery of seeds of custard apple in such an early context is especially intriguing, as it is generally believed this fruit was introduced into India from South America by the Portuguese in the 16th century.

SOURCE Saraswat and Pokharia, 1997–98

The period c. 200 BCE–300 CE was marked by urban prosperity all over the subcontinent. Unfortunately, the archaeological details of most early historical sites are rather meagre and tend to be confined to a few details about fortifications. Some sites have been excavated vertically, giving a tiny glimpse of what they hold; a much greater number have not been excavated at all. The archaeological literature often identifies the periods or levels of occupation at sites according to dynastic labels, e.g., Indo-Greek, Shunga, Kushana, or Satavahana. This should at most be understood as a convenient shorthand for broad chronological phases, but can be misleading. For instance, the term ‘Shunga’ is often used for levels at a site where Shunga rule never prevailed.

Certain questions link the subject of this chapter with the discussion in (< />)Chapter 7. What was the impact and legacy of Maurya rule on the so-called ‘peripheral areas’, and to what extent was interaction with the Maurya state an impetus to ‘secondary state formation’ in these areas? Secondary state formation is the emergence of states which have the model of already existing states before them, and which emerge as a result of interaction with already existent (‘pristine’) states. While the Maurya impact cannot be discounted, neither should it be given undue emphasis. The long-term development of urban centres required and involved an expansion in agricultural production, developments in specialized crafts, and wider and more intensive and extensive trade networks.

CITIES OF THE NORTH-WEST

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The site of Pushkalavati, one of the important cities of this period, is identified with the mounds at Charsada, spread out over some 4 sq miles.Pushkalavati is known as Peucelaotis or Proclais in Graeco-Roman accounts. Arrian mentions it as a place where Philip had to station a Macedonian garrison due to its revolt against Alexander. The city seems to have been important in the Indo-Greek period, but declined somewhat in the Kushana period due to the increasing eminence of Purushapura (modern Peshawar). Nevertheless, it continued to be a major centre of trade. The occupation at Bala Hisar mound at Charsada goes back to the 6th century BCE. By the 4th century BCE, the settlement had grown and was protected by mud fortifications and a ditch.

Aerial photography at the Shaikhan mound at Charsada revealed a city with a rectangular plan, parallel streets, and blocks of houses, dominated by a large circular structure, probably a Buddhist stupa. Excavations indicated occupation from the mid-2nd century BCE to the mid-3rd century CE. Drains, refuse pits, and cesspools of a wide street were identified. While the earlier houses were made of stone diaper masonry (a style of masonry in which spaces between large stone blocks are separated by flat, thin pieces of stone), those of the Kushana phase were made of mud-brick. A room with a fireplace in the middle was identified. A house consisting of a courtyard with rooms built on three sides was also unearthed. The name ‘Haradakha’ was engraved on the pedestal of a relic casket found in this house; perhaps this was the name of its current or past owner. The courtyard had a bathing area connected to the street by a stone drain. The house was renovated many times, and a shrine with a Buddha figure was added in the last phase of renovation.

The political upheavals and cultural influences of the time were more than evident at Taxila (Marshall, 1951). Here, a new city was laid out in the early 2nd century BCE at the site of Sirkap, to

the north-east of the Bhir mound. Although the basic layout of the site seems to have remained more or less the same throughout, little is known about the Indo-Greek phase at Sirkap and most of the remains unearthed in the course of excavations belong to the subsequent Shaka–Parthian phase. The city was marked by grid planning, with streets and structures laid out in an orderly chessboard pattern. Excavations revealed seven occupational levels, ranging from the pre-Indo-Greek to the Shaka– Parthian phase. In the 2nd century BCE, the settlement was located entirely in the plains, and had a mud fortification wall. In the 1st century BCE, it seems to have shifted southwards to incorporate the spurs of the Hathial hills. In this phase, the periphery of the city was almost 5 km long, the entire distance being lined by a stone wall with bastions at regular intervals. The northern gateway was massive and probably two-storeyed. It had four guardrooms on the outer face and was associated with two wells.

FIGURE 8.1 SIRKAP: PLAN OF THE APSIDAL TEMPLE AND NEIGHBOURING BLOCK

STONE MASONRY RANGING FROM THE 1ST CENTURY BCE TO THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD (AFTER MARSHALL, 1951)

The main street divided the city of Sirkap into two parts. The structures included houses, occasionally with a few small stupas in between; at least two shrines were also identified. The houses were made of rubble masonry plastered with mud. Most of them were quite spacious (an average of 1,395 sq m) and consisted of rooms arranged around one or more courtyards. One especially large house had 4 courtyards and over 30 rooms. Jewellery and metal artefacts suggest that rich people lived in this section of the city. Rooms opening out onto the main street may have been shops. Marshall identified a structural complex in the south-eastern part of the excavated area at Sirkap as a palace.

Towards the end of the 1st century CE, the Kushanas established a new city at Taxila at the site of Sirsukh, about a mile north-east of Sirkap. Very little excavation work has been carried out here. A section of the stone rubble fortification wall has been identified, with semi-circular bastions at regular intervals. Inside the fortified area, there were two open courts with attached rooms, apparently part of a large building.

Other cities mentioned in texts include Sagala or Sakala (identified with modern Sialkot) in the Punjab plains. This was the capital of the Indo-Greek king Menander and an important city on the

trade routes. There is little archaeological data on the settlement of Purushapura (identified with Peshawar), apart from the excavation of the relic stupa at Shah-ji-ki-dheri, attributed to the reign of Kanishka. Greek historians refer to an important port called Patala in the Sindh delta, but although it has tentatively been identified with Bahmanabad, this is far from certain.

THE INDO-GANGETIC DIVIDE AND THE UPPER GANGA VALLEY

Remains belonging to c. 200 BCE–300 CE have been found at many sites in the Indo-Gangetic divide and the upper Ganga valley. Sunet (ancient Sunetra) in Ludhiana district in Punjab has given evidence of occupation from the late Harappan phase onwards. Period IV at this site belonged to c. 200 BCE–300 CE. This revealed a burnt-brick house of this period with a courtyard in the middle, two rooms at the back, and what seem to be a kitchen, bathroom, and a room for storing grain. Traces of stairs suggest it was two-storeyed, and there were elaborate provisions for drainage. On three sides of this house, there were remains of mud huts, which may have been servants’ quarters. Sunet has also yielded a hoard of 30,000 Yaudheya coin moulds, and lots of seals and sealings. Another site in the Punjab which has remains of this period is Sanghol in Ludhiana district. Here, a stupa belonging to the early centuries CE and 117 sculptures belonging to the Mathura school of art were discovered.

Agroha in Hissar district (Haryana) had an early historical occupation, and some brick structures described as belonging to the 3rd–4th centuries have been found here. At Karna-ka-Qila, Period I belonged to the NBPW phase, while Period II showed several structural phases belonging to the early centuries CE.

HASTINAPURA: RING WELLS

At Hastinapura (in Meerut district, UP), Period IV belonged to the c. 2nd century BCE–late 3rd century CE. The pottery consisted of wheel-turned red ware, sometimes with a slip. There were bowls with incurved rims, spouted basins, button-knobbed lids, ink-pot-type lids, bottle-necked

sprinklers, and miniature vases. Much of the pottery had stamped and incised designs such as fish, leaves, flowers, svastikas, triratnas, loops, circles, and other geometric patterns. Some of the pots found in the upper levels had designs painted on in black. The settlement showed an element of planning. Seven structural sub-phases were identified. The houses were all made of burnt brick. One ring well was excavated. The large number of artefacts included iron objects (nails, axes/adzes, sickle, pan, etc.), copper objects (including antimony rods, pins, and a bell), a stone rotary quern, carved ivory handle, and fine handmade and moulded terracotta figurines. The humped bull occurred frequently among the terracotta figurines; there were also wheels, carts, and votive tanks. A terracotta torso of the bodhisattva Maitreya was found in the upper levels. The rings and beads (of carnelian, jasper, and terracotta) showed a high quality of workmanship. Two inscribed potsherds and a seal were found. Coins included those of the rulers of Mathura and the Yaudheyas, and there were also imitations of coins of the Kushana king Vasudeva.

DRAWING OF EXCAVATED SECTION OF MOUND

In the cultural sequence at the Purana Qila in Delhi, Periods II and III are dated the 2nd–1st centuries BCE and 1st–3rd centuries CE respectively, and reflect urban prosperity. Initially, houses were made of quartzite rubble set in mud mortar. Later houses were made of mud-brick and burnt brick. House floors were generally made of rammed earth and were sometimes paved with mud-bricks. The rich range of artefacts included incised and stamped red ware. Compared to earlier levels, the quantity, quality, and range of terracottas was exceptionally rich. There were animal and human figurines, beads, skin rubbers, fragments of a votive tank, and crucibles. Several terracotta plaques depicted couples, yaksha–yakshi pairs, female figures, a female lute player, and elephant riders. Other discoveries included bone points and a small piece of an ivory handle. A seal and several sealings bore the names of various individuals (e.g., Patihaka, Svatiguta, Usasena, and Thiya) in the Brahmi script. A few copper coins of the Kushanas and Yaudheyas were also discovered. Occupational levels and artefacts belonging to the period c. 200 BCE–300 CE were found at Mandoli and Bhorgarh in Delhi as well.

PURANA QILA: WALLS OF DIFFERENT PERIODS

As mentioned in an earlier chapter, the NBPW Period IV at Atranjikhera is divided into four sub-phases—IVA, IVB, IVC, and IVD. Here we will look at Period IVC (c. 350–200 BCE) and IVD (c. 200–50 BCE), when the settlement grew into a town. There was an increase in building activity and the use of burnt brick. The remains of brick walls, floors and drains, barns, a granary, and terracotta ring wells were discovered. The fortifications seem to have been constructed in Period IVC and underwent four stages of strengthening and renovation. The important structural remains of Period IVD included an apsidal temple associated with a broken Gaja-Lakshmi (the goddess Lakshmi flanked by elephants) plaque. The site seems to have been exposed to flooding several times.

Mathura was an important centre of craft activity (especially textiles) and trade, and was also a religious centre associated with Buddhism, Jainism, and early Hinduism. As the southern capital of the Kushana empire, it also became an important political centre,. Period III in the Mathura sequence, dated 2nd–late 1st century BCE, shows an accentuation of urban features. The ceramic assemblage was dominated by a red ware, with some grey ware as well. There was a beginning and a gradual increase in the number of burnt brick structures. The terracottas and other craft items were marked by stylistic sophistication. There were many inscribed coins, seals, and sealings. In Period IV, dated the 1st-3rd centuries CE, the fortification wall, which had fallen into disuse in the previous

period, was strengthened, enlarged, and supplemented with an inner fortification. The red wares of this period included pots with painted and stamped designs. There was a more limited quantity of fine red polished ware, including sprinklers. A similar picture of increasing urban complexity and sophistication comes from nearby Sonkh.

TERRACOTTA PLAQUE

Excavations at Ayodhya (Faizabad district, UP) yielded structural remains and antiquities of this period. In the late NBPW phase, there were houses made of burnt brick and terracotta ring wells. A grey terracotta figure of a Jaina saint, assigned to the 4th/3rd century BCE, is among the earliest Jaina images found so far. In later levels, there were punch-marked coins, uninscribed cast coins, inscribed copper coins, and a number of terracotta sealings. The discovery of rouletted ware suggests trade links with eastern India, where this type of pottery occurs in large quantities. The report of the recent 2002–03 excavations at Ayodhya lists a number of artefacts found at c. 2nd–1st centuries BCE (Period II) levels, including black-slipped, red, and grey ware. Terracotta objects included human and animal figurines, a bangle fragment, ball, wheel, and a broken sealing with only the Brahmi letter sa readable, a stone saddle quern and lid fragment, a glass bead, a bone hairpin, an engraver, and ivory dice. A stone-and-brick structure was also identified. The levels belonging to the 1st–3rd centuries CE (Period III) yielded red ware, human and animal terracotta figurines, a fragment of a bangle, a terracotta votive tank, a glass bead, and copper antimony rod. Stone and brick structures were found in this and later periods. A massive brick structure running into 22 courses was identified.

At Sringaverapura (Allahabad district, UP), the settlement reached its maximum size in the 2nd century BCE. An elaborate brick tank complex belonging to the late centuries BCE was excavated. B.

B. Lal (1993) suggests that the tank, which shows remarkable engineering skill, was probably geared towards providing potable water for the expanding settlement, the eastern part of which was no longer close to the Ganga. Water was brought into the tank from the river by means of a channel. There is also a late Kushana period structural complex, consisting of two sections separated by a corridor. One of the rooms yielded a small copper bowl with remains of seeds and pulses.

PURANA QILA: STAMPED AND INCISED POTSHERDS

ANTHROPOMORPHIC POT

Reference was made in an earlier chapter to Erdosy’s study (1988) of settlements in the Allahabad district (UP) and to the features of Periods I and II. Here we will look at Periods III and IV, which were initially dated c. 350–100 BCE and c. 100–300 CE respectively. Subsequently, Erdosy revised the dates for Period III to 400–100 BCE, which he thought corresponded more closely to available radiocarbon dates for the mid- and late NBPW phase and to the later date for the parinibbana of the Buddha suggested by Bechert. In Period III, there was a continuation of trends visible in Period II. The new features included the spread of settlements to the forested upland areas located far away from the riverbanks, and the appearance of a new (fifth) tier of settlements, represented by four sites

ranging in size from 3.46 to 5.15 ha. A network of towns emerged, at least two of which are known from Period II. Kaushambi was the largest site and there were seven other towns in the 19–50 ha range. These included Kara, Sringaverapura, Jhusi, Bhita, Reh, Lachchhagiri, and Tusaran Bihar. Major settlements were located along rivers, separated by an average distance of 31 km. The general pattern is of a rapid expansion of rural and urban centres, with a clear settlement hierarchy. Kaushambi developed into a major fortified city in this period. It is estimated that the occupied area of 150 ha within the defence walls may have supported a population of about 24,000 people. There were also mounds marking settlements just outside the defence walls, covering about 50 ha, and it has been estimated that the population, including these areas, may have been about 32,000.

In the Allahabad district, Period IV (100 BCE–300 CE) saw a continuation of the fivefold settlement hierarchy and a peak of urban prosperity. There was a steady expansion of the occupied area and population of Kaushambi. Some 200 ha were occupied within the fortified area, supporting a population of about 32,000 people. The defences were strengthened and the occupation outside the walls seems to have declined. Nevertheless, the total occupied area grew to about 226 ha and the population to about 36,000. Arrowheads and skeletons found at c. 2nd century BCE levels point to war and destruction. Outside the eastern gate, the remains of a brick altar in the shape of an eagle flying to the south-east, associated with animal and human bones, including a skull, were found. G. R. Sharma (1960) suggested that this was an altar where the purushamedha (human sacrifice) was performed. The trend of expanding settlements in the upland areas continued. While the population of Kaushambi grew, in Kanpur district as a whole, there was a drastic slowing down of population growth and a deepening of the divide between cities and villages.

THE MIDDLE AND LOWER GANGA VALLEY AND EASTERN INDIA

At Saheth-Maheth (ancient Shravasti), Period II belonged to the late centuries CE. The mud-and-brick rampart belonged to this period. At the site of what is believed to be the Jetavana monastery, excavations revealed stupas, monasteries, and shrines going back to the Maurya period. One of the stupas revealed a relic casket containing pieces of bone, gold leaf, and a silver punch-marked coin. A rectangular tank and a monastic complex belonging to the Kushana period were also identified.

Period II at Rajghat is dated c. 200 BCE–1st centuries CE. In the earlier structural phase of this period, there was a house consisting of two rooms, a vestibule, bathroom, and a well. A terracotta ring well was found in the later phase. Period III, dated from the 1st to the end of the 3rd century CE, represents the most prosperous phase of the site.

Khairadih is a site on the Sarayu river in Ballia district (eastern UP). It yielded remains of the early centuries CE, such as a street, lanes, and structures including a two-roomed house and an underground structure. At Ganwaria in Basti district (eastern UP), Periods III and IV have been labelled as belonging to the Shunga and Kushana periods respectively.

At Basarh (ancient Vaishali) in Muzaffarpur district Bihar, the excavated sections included fortifications. Period I belonged to the 2nd century BCE, Period II to about the 1st century BCE, and Period III was labelled ‘Kushana–Gupta’ (3rd–4th centuries CE). A tank, generally identified as the coronation tank of the Lichchhavis, was identified. The coins and terracottas found in association with the tank suggest that it was built in the 2nd century BCE. At Katragarh, also in Muzaffarpur district, there is a ‘Shunga period’ fortification, in which three structural phases were identified—the

ramparts were made of burnt brick in the first and third phases, while in the second phase, the walls had a massive mud core and a moat.

Lauriya-Nandangarh in Champaran district of Bihar has a large, terraced stupa dated between the 1st century BCE and 2nd century CE. There are also indications of fortifications. Balirajgarh in Darbhanga district has remains of a large, fortified settlement. The excavations here concentrated on the defence wall made of mud-brick, which seems to belong to the 2nd century BCE.

In Bhagalpur district, at the site of ancient Champa, the fortification was strengthened by a brick wall. Brick houses and a drain have been assigned to the Kushana–Gupta phase. At Patna, there are remains of an apsidal shrine belonging to c. 100–300 CE.

A 3rd century BCE inscription identifies Mahasthangarh (in Bogra/Bagura district, Bangladesh) with Pundranagara, capital of ancient Pundravardhana. The site is about 185 ha and reveals occupation from the NBPW phase to the 12th/13 century CE. The early historical city consisted of an oblong area (5000 × 4500 ft) enclosed by massive fortifications, which in turn were bordered by a deep moat on three sides, the Karatoya river skirting the western and part of the northern edge. NBPW, and punch-marked and cast copper coins were among the artefacts found. Chakrabarti (2006: 324) draws attention to the trade connections between Wari Bateshwar and Southeast Asia. He also suggests that the location of Mahasthan on the western bank of the Karatoya indicates multiple linkages via trade routes with the Barind and Bhagirathi sectors of West Bengal, the Bihar plains, Tibet, and the Brahmaputra valley of Assam. Assam may have been connected to south China via Myanmar.

The site of Bangarh in South Dinajpur district (West Bengal), on the banks of the Purnabhava river, has revealed a 1800 × 1000 ft settlement enclosed by fortifications and a moat on three sides. The five cultural phases range from the Maurya to the medieval period. The c. 200 BCE–300 CE phase was marked by urban prosperity. The earlier mud fortifications were replaced by brick ramparts. Houses made of burnt brick, and drains and cesspits were found. Bangarh is identified with Kotivarsha, an important administrative centre.

Other early historical sites in Bengal include Tamluk and Chandraketugarh. Tamluk (ancient Tamralipti) in Midnapur district, on the banks of the Rupnarayan river, was an important port mentioned in Indian, Graeco-Roman, and Chinese sources. Here, the remains of Period II (3rd/2nd century BCE) and Period III (1st–2nd centuries CE) included a brick tank and some terracotta ring wells. Remains of the early centuries CE included burnt-brick structures, rouletted ware, fine terracotta figurines, coins, seals and sealings, beads, and evidence of writing in Brahmi, Kharoshthi, and possibly a mixture of the two scripts.

RED SPOUTED VESSEL AND SPRINKLER FROM ‘KUSHANA–GUPTA’ LEVELS, SARNATH

Other sites in Bengal include Kotasur (Birbhum district) on the banks of the Mayurakshi, which has revealed a fortified settlement. Pokhanna (Bankura disctrict) on the banks of the Damodar is another possible urban centre. Mangalkot (Burdwan district), at the confluence of the Kunur and Ajay rivers, seems to have been a large urban centre and has yielded a rich range of antiquities. Wari Bateshwar, located on an old course of the Brahmaputra, has given evidence of NBPW, rouletted ware, black-slipped ware, knobbed ware, and an ordinary dull red ware. Iron slag indicates iron smelting in the area. Certain types of beads are of special significance. Sandwiched glass beads were imported from Egypt and the Mediterranean, and the gold-foil glass beads may have come from Rome. The Indo-Pacific monochrome drawn glass beads were manufactured in the Tamil Nadu area and traded to various parts of South and Southeast Asia.

FURTHER DISCUSSION

Chandraketugarh

PANCHACHUDA

Chandraketugarh, located in the Ganga delta, actually consists of a cluster of villages in 24 Parganas district of West Bengal, about 25 miles north-east of Kolkata. The villages include Berachampa (Dheuliya), Ranakhola, Ghorapota, Dhanpota, Chuprijhara, Singerati, Shanpukur, Jhikra, Mathbari, Hadipur, and Ghazitala. Artefacts similar to those found here occur in many other neighbouring villages as well. The name ‘Chandraketugarh’ comes from a local legend of a medieval king of this name.

In early historic times, Chandraketugarh was connected to the Ganga by the Vidyadhari river, and must have been an important centre of trade, and possibly also a political centre. It can perhaps be identified with the Gangaridae of Graeco-Roman accounts.

Due to the frequent chance discoveries of antiquities on or below the surface, Chandraketugarh was known to be an exceptionally rich archaeological site from the beginning of the 20th century. However, it has still not been adequately explored or excavated. In 1906, Tarak Nath Das and some other inhabitants of the area petitioned the government to explore the site. A. H. Longhurst of the Archaeological Survey of India visited the place in 1907 and described it as of little interest. R. D. Banerji made a visit in 1909 and reported on some of the finds. Between 1956–57 and 1967–68, the Ashutosh Museum of the University of Calcutta carried out excavations at five different sites at Chandraketugarh. The excavations revealed the remains of a mud rampart, probably going back to the 2nd century BCE, and some other structural remains.

A detailed report of the findings was never published. Some surface explorations were conducted at the site in 1967–68 and 1972–73.

The brief preliminary reports of the excavations do not give a clear or consistent stratigraphy of Chandraketugarh. The broad sequence, however, seems to be as follows (using broad dynastic labels for convenience):

Period I: pre-Maurya—c.600–300 BCE

Period II: Maurya—c. 300–185 BCE

Period III: Shunga—c. 185 BCE–50 CE

Period IV: Kushana—c. 50–300 CE

Period V: Gupta—c. 300–500 CE

Period VI: post-Gupta—c. 500–750 CE

Period VII: Pala–Chandra–Sena—c. 750–1250 CE.

Various kinds of artefacts have been found at the site over the years, including coins, pottery, seals and sealings, and figurines made of ivory, wood, and bronze. There are some interesting inscriptions in a combination of Brahmi and Kharoshthi, mostly on pots, seals, and plaques. However, the site is best known for its large number of remarkable terracotta objects, most of which can be assigned to c. 200 BCE–300 CE. Chandra-ketugarh was obviously a major centre of terracotta craft.

Inamul Haque has given a detailed account and catalogue of 963 terracottas found at Chandraketugarh, including figurines and plaques. There were a great variety of representations of women, many of them ornamented with elaborate jewellery and associated with foliage and flowers. Some of them may have been yakshis or goddesses. One of the recurring types is known as the pancha-chuda—a woman with emblematic hairpins, usually in the form of five weapons (sword, arrow, battleaxe, trident, and elephant goad) radiating out of her hair. These intriguing sets of hair ornaments sometimes appear on one side of the head, sometimes on both. Other figurines depict male figures, animals, winged human figures, fat dwarfs, carts, and rattles. Some plaques depict erotic scenes.

The terracottas are mostly brick red or reddish brown in colour, though a few are buff or grey. The early figurines are hand moulded, while later ones show the use of single and double moulds, which would have been convenient for mass production. It is not easy to assign precise dates to the terracottas. Few were found in the course of the excavations, and very few have been dated by the thermoluminescence method. They are often dated on the basis of style, but this can be problematic as the coexistence of different styles cannot be ruled out.

These beautiful, mass-produced terracottas were not the work of rural craftspersons making images for a village market. They were products of an urban milieu, catering to an urban clientele. They are not only important representatives of the crafts and aesthetics of their time, but also offer useful information on aspects of social life and religious practice.

SOURCE Haque, 2001

In Orissa, excavations at Jaugada on the Rishikulya river revealed remains of an early historical settlement going back to at least the 3rd century BCE. It was surrounded by mud fortifications, beyond which was a ditch. Remains of bead making were found at the site. There is greater amount of information from the site of Sisupalgarh, which may represent the Tosali mentioned in Ashoka’s inscriptions, or Kalinganagara, the capital of Kharavela’s kingdom. Excavations indicate occupation from the 3rd century BCE to the 4th century CE. No structural remains were found in Period I; there was only simple, plain pottery, mostly grey or red. The early part of Period II (c. 200 BCE–100 CE) was the most prosperous. Huge mud walls, a little over 10 m wide at the base and over 8 m high, punctuated with impressive gateways, guardrooms, passages, and watchtowers, were built in the beginning of the 2nd century BCE. Later, the mud walls were strengthened by adding a layer of stone gravel on top. Still later, two brick walls were built on top of this and the space in between was filled with mud and stone. The town was well planned, measuring 1 km on each side, and was more or less square shaped in plan. Houses were made of stone or brick, with two or three rooms and a large verandah in front. Streets were laid out systematically, crossing each other at right angles. The remains of a large pillared hall were found in the middle of the town. Artefacts of this phase included red ware, some with a bright polished surface, and BRW. Terracotta earrings, iron implements, and weapons (including nails, spikes, sickles, and daggers) and beads of semi-precious stone, were also found. In the later part of Period II (c. 100 CE), the town showed signs of decline. The pottery of this phase was less impressive and consisted mostly of a coarse and dull-looking red ware with crude decorations. Other finds included glass bangles, a silver and copper coin, and several terracotta earrings. Clay bullae (medallions) with designs of animals with human heads suggested Roman contact. Period III (c. 200–350 CE) reflected a further decline. The pottery was red or yellowish-red, coarse, and not too well made. Coins and terracotta ear ornaments were also found. The discovery of two coin moulds suggests that coins were minted here.

CHANDRAKETUGARH TERRACOTTAS

CENTRAL AND WESTERN INDIA

The site of Rairh in Rajasthan has yielded remains ranging from the 3rd/2nd century BCE to the 2nd century CE (and later times as well). Terracotta ring wells and walls of structures were excavated. Remains going back to the 3rd/2nd century BCE have also been found at Sambhar. Nagari has given evidence of occupation dating from c. 400 BCE.

In central India, Besnagar, located at the confluence of the Bes and Betwa rivers, represents the western capital of the Shungas. It was also an important point on the trade routes connecting north India with the Deccan and the western ports. The pillar with the inscription of Heliodorus was found here; excavations in the vicinity revealed the remains of what must have been a Vasudeva temple.

At Ujjain, Period IIIA was dated c. 200 BCE–500 CE. The pottery was mostly a red ware of medium fabric. There were lots of beads of semi-precious stones, terracotta, bone, and ivory; bangles of terracotta, glass, shell, and copper; pendants of stone and terracotta; ear ornaments of terracotta, glass, and shell; terracotta gamesmen and skin rubbers; antimony rods made of copper and ivory; ivory combs and hairpins; and clay bullae moulded from Greek or Roman coins. Dice made of terracotta and ivory were found. There were terracotta figurines of humans and animals, votive tanks, and stone images of deities. Coins of the Kshatrapas, Kushanas, and later dynasties were found, as was a coin mould of the Roman emperor Augustus Hadrianus (117–34 CE). There is evidence of bead manufacture at the site, especially of those made of chalcedony. There was also a sealing engraved on the flat, circular knob of a terracotta casket with a Prakrit inscription in Brahmi letters of the 1st century CE.

Remains of the early centuries CE have been found at Pawaya (ancient Padmavati), at the confluence of the Sindhu and Parvati rivers. This site is well known for its variety of terracottas and fine stone sculptures, including images of the yaksha Manibhadra and a naga figure. A few capitals, including a palm capital of the 1st century BCE associated with the deity Samkarshana, have also been found.

CITIES AND TOWNS OF THE DECCAN

In the Deccan, the transition to the early historical urban phase has to be reconstructed on the basis of archaeology alone, as textual evidence is unavailable. Aloka Parasher (1992) has pointed out that historians often treat the Deccan as a passage between north and South India and explain cultural developments in this region in terms of the diffusion of civilizational traits from elsewhere. The impact of Maurya rule and Indo-Roman trade on urbanization in the Deccan have been overemphasized, and insufficient attention has been paid to the internal processes of cultural change. Further, within the Deccan, there has been an undue focus on certain areas, especially places where Ashoka’s inscriptions or Buddhist structures have been found, and a neglect of other areas that have been treated as marginal or peripheral.

The Deccan can be broken up into various sub-regions—northern, central, eastern, and southern. Parasher highlights the diversity of cultural processes and cultural sequences between the southern and central Deccan, and among sites within these regions. It is interesting to note that in the southern Deccan (with a few exceptions such as Brahmagiri), sites with prominent neolithic–chalcolithic or

early iron age megalithic occupation do not have impressive early historical remains. Hallur is a good example of this. Conversely too, a significant number of large early historical sites do not have any significant prior occupation, either of the neolithic–chalcolithic or the early iron age. Examples of this from the southern Deccan are Chandravalli, Banavasi, Vadagaon-Madhavpur, and Sannati.

In the central Deccan, there is no direct evidence of Maurya presence, but early historical sites such as Peddabankur, Kotalingala, Dhulikatta, Polakonda, and Kadambapur have given evidence of pre-Satavahana period occupation, not always associated with megalithic remains. Kotalingala is a 50 ha mound located at the confluence of the Paddavagu and Godavari rivers. The ancient settlement was surrounded by a mud fort. There were four occupational levels, the second of which belonged to the early centuries CE. Many pre-Satavahana and Satavahana coins were found at the site. The mound at Dhulikatta on the right bank of the Hussanivagu river was about 18 ha. Here, there was a fortified town enclosed by a mud fortification wall with gateways. A palace complex was identified in the middle of the mound. There were also regular residential structures and granaries. A Buddhist stupa situated nearby belonged to the 3rd century BCE. Peddabankur is a 30 ha mound, 10 km east of Dhulikatta. The site was not fortified. Several residential structures made of brick and mud-over-stone-rubble foundations were found here. There were cisterns, wells, soak pits, and drains. Two structural phases were identified—Period I was dated c. 250–100 BCE and Period II c. 50 BCE–200 CE. The discovery of several thousand Satavahana coins suggests that a mint was located here. A gold coin of Augustus was also found. Some 22 wells and the remains of a blacksmith’s workshop were the other major finds. The site of Kondapur was unfortified, with houses made of brick or rubble. This seems to have been a bead and terracotta making centre. The religious structures included a stupa, vihara, and two chaityas (shrines).

The discovery of a large number of Roman coins and imitation bullae at all these sites indicates that the economy of the Deccan was heavily dependent on trade. Another important feature is that all these sites have yielded plenty of iron artefacts and evidence of iron working. At Dhulikatta, a crucible of iron (15 cm in diameter) was found along with charred wood, leafy material, mud, and large terracotta cakes. This paraphernalia seems to have been connected with iron smelting. At Peddabankur, there was evidence of a terracotta forge, about 20 cm in diameter. The working floor of the forge was embedded with pieces of iron slag and finished iron artefacts such as nails, a sickle, knife, and ring. This seems to have been a blacksmith’s workshop.

Bhokardan in Aurangabad district, Maharashtra, has been identified with ancient Bhogavardhana. This city was located on the ancient route from Ujjayini to Pratishthana, and its inhabitants are mentioned in donative inscriptions at central Indian Buddhist sites such as Sanchi and Bharhut. Two periods of occupation were identified in the course of excavations (Deo, 1974). Period Ia belonged to the pre-Satavahana or early Satavahana phase and Period Ib to the late Satavahana phase. Period II was associated with the post-Satavahana period. The habitation remains of Period Ia included ash pits, a hearth, bathing area, and lime and stone floors rammed with earth. Period Ib saw the most intensive building activity at the site and improvements in the quality of structures. Traces of foundations, brick walls, floors, post-holes, fallen roofs, and a ring well were discovered. There were community hearths; a regular hearth and the remains of a kitchen were also identified.

The artefacts discovered in the Bhokardan excavations included punch-marked coins, Satavahana and Kshatrapa coins made of copper, and a few terracotta seals and sealings. The pottery of Period Ia included black and red burnished ware, coarse black and red ware, coarse red ware, red-slipped

ware, and crude handmade red wares. The pottery of Period Ib included coarse red ware, a ware with a red wash, red-slipped ware, red polished ware, tan-slipped ware, drab black ware, black burnished ware, BRW, unburnished BRW, and micaceous red-slipped ware. Almost 2,000 beads of various materials were found. A large proportion were made of terracotta, followed by glass, shell, and faience. Agate, carnelian, chalcedony, crystal, and jasper were some of the semiprecious stones used. There were a few jade, lapis, and ivory beads. Nodules of semiprecious stones, unfinished beads, and bead moulds indicate a thriving bead industry. Other important crafts included the making of shell bangles and ivory work. Hundreds of terracotta objects were found at the site. Apart from large numbers of discs, marbles, gamesmen, wheels, whorls, skin rubbers, stoppers, and crucibles, there were many human and animal figurines. Terracotta plaques depicting human figures were either handmade or made in single or double moulds. There were also some unique ear ornaments and pendants. Twenty-two votive tanks were found, as were what may be the fragment of an anthropomorphic pot and the lid of a pot with three female figures. Lots of iron and copper artefacts and a few lead ones were discovered. The iron objects included kitchen utensils and equipment, tools, weapons, and carpentry items. Copper objects included ornaments, pots, fish hooks, and antimony rods. There were ivory objects such as dice, bangles, kohl sticks, ear ornaments, points, a comb, and a beautifully carved mirror handle. There were bone objects; shell artefacts including lots of bangles; glass bangles and fragments of small glass pots; stone querns, rubbers, dabbers, plaques, and sculptures. Clay bullae, two pieces of amphorae, and a piece of red ware that seems to be an imitation of red polished ware reflect a connection with Indo-Roman contacts. The analysis of the plant remains at the site revealed a variety of cereals and legumes. The bone remains were of 17 species, including human bones and those of wild and domesticated animals.

Important information on the material culture of the people living in the Deccan during this period comes from the site of Adam in Nagpur district, Maharashtra (Nath, 1999). A hoard of Roman gold coins was found here, and subsequent explorations revealed an ancient fortified settlement and a mud stupa. The 1988–92 excavations revealed a five-fold cultural sequence, ranging from the mesolithic phase to c. 300 CE. A large proportion of the antiquities belonged to the early centuries CE. Six thousand coins of the Satavahana period were found, including 86 lead portrait coins. The discovery of coin moulds suggests that this was a mint town. A large number of seals and sealings were also discovered, some with inscriptions giving the names, titles, and offices of individuals. One of the sealings bore the name of the Assaka (Ashmaka) janapada. An interesting discovery was a hoard of over 70 sealings with an hour-glass-shaped design, found stacked on the floor of a house, surrounded by an ash deposit. These sealings were fired but never used.

The large number of terracotta objects found at Adam included representations of humans and animals, votive tanks, spindles, wheels, and skin rubbers. There were both handmade figurines as well as those made in single and double moulds. Bone objects included points, engravers, dice, and a beautifully carved comb. Ivory objects included pendants with incised designs. Thousands of beads of clay, glass, stone, faience, and metal were found. The stones used included carnelian, agate, chert, quartz, jasper, chalcedony, and amethyst. The discovery of bead polishers and many beads in different designs and in different stages of preparation shows that bead manufacturing was an important craft. Metal artefacts included those made of iron, copper, silver, and lead. The repertoire of iron objects included types such as spearhead, arrowhead, sword, dagger, hoe, ploughshare, axe, sickle, knife, nail, and ring. The discovery of a few gold beads and pendants and the stone moulds of

a goldsmith point to another important craft. Cubical stone weights, querns, mullers, and a sculpted fragment of a human face have also been found. The rich range and quantity of the artefacts found at Adam is striking.

Further south, at the eastern edge of the Deccan plateau, one of the most important sites is Nagarjunakonda (Guntur district, AP) in the Krishna valley, surrounded by offshoots of the Nallamalai hills (Sarkar and Misra, 1972; Soundararajan et al., 2006). This was the capital of the Ikshvaku dynasty. Remains of a fortified citadel were identified on the summit of the Peddakundelagutta hill. Near the eastern gateway, there were some barracks, stables, and a stone cistern. Close to the western gateway were what appear to be some ritualistic structures, including a four-tiered stepped tank connected with drains and passages. The discovery of bones (perhaps of a horse and goat) outside the tank led to it being labelled an ashvamedha tank. To the south of this was a smaller two-tiered tank, shaped roughly like a tortoise. Located nearby were remains of structures that may have been palace buildings. The residential area of ordinary people lay to the east of the citadel, where the remains of streets, lanes, and houses were found. Houses had large storage jars arranged in rows. The paraphernalia (including terracotta crucibles, a touchstone, and oblong moulds for designs for ornaments) found in one of the houses suggested that it was the house or workshop of a goldsmith. A stadium-like complex associated with steps leading up to it on all sides and a pavilion to the west was another important discovery. The site also yielded remains of a canal. On the river side, there was a cremation ground, a stepped ghat, and several temples (about 18), including one dedicated to the god Karttikeya. Most of the published information about Nagarjunakonda concerns the various Buddhist stupas, shrines, and monasteries found scattered over the site.

Amaravati is another major site in the same district. It is supposed to mark the site of ancient Dhanyakataka, an important town in the Deccan and capital of the later Satavahanas, mentioned in many inscriptions. A large Buddhist establishment was located here. The six occupational periods ranged from the 2nd century BCE to the 2nd/3rd century CE. Epigraphic evidence suggests that the origins of the monastic establishment may date to the Maurya period. The citadel was surrounded by a massive mud fortification. Soak-pits and drains were identified. There were remains of a navigational channel and a huge wharf, both of which underwent strengthening and embellishment in the various structural phases. The artefacts included a goldsmith’s mould, glass bangles, and earrings of great variety, probably imports. Rouletted ware and terra sigillata were also found.

SEE (< />)PP(< />). 414–(< />)15 FOR DETAILS OF ROULETTED WARE AND TERRA SIGILLATA

CITIES OF THE FAR SOUTH

The first phase of urbanism in South India is generally associated with the period c. 300 BCE–300 CE, although recent evidence suggests the possibility of earlier beginnings. Graeco-Roman sources mention many towns and cities and use the term emporium for coastal towns associated with foreign trade. The Tamil word pattinam means port, as in Kaverippumpattinam (also known as Puhar).

Sangam poems describe the urban centres of early historical South India. However, archaeological evidence does not match the literary descriptions of cities. This is partly due to inadequate excavations. Some sites such as Madurai and Kanchipuram have been continuously occupied till the present, and this has made horizontal excavations impossible. Champakalakshmi (1996: 117–40) has given a comprehensive account of the urban centres of early historical South India. A few of these centres are discussed below.

MAP 8.3 CITIES OF EARLY HISTORICAL SOUTH INDIA (AFTER CHAMPAKALAKSHMI, 1996)

Vanji or Kuravur/Karur was the capital of the Chera dynasty. As many as 11 Sangam poets hailed from this place. It can be identified with Karur on the banks of the Amaravati river (a tributary of the Kaveri), in Tiruchirapalli district. Literary, archaeological, numismatic, and epigraphic evidence confirm the status of Vanji/Kuruvur as a political centre as well as an important centre of crafts and trade. Excavations at the site yielded BRW (some with graffiti marks), pieces of Roman amphorae, and locally made rouletted ware. A Roman copper coin belonging to the reign of Claudius, was also found. Roman coins have been found in larger quantities at other places nearby, such as Vellavur and

in the bed of the Amaravati river. The discovery of hundreds of copper coins with Chera symbols such as the bow and arrow, as well as several silver portrait coins, indicate that a Chera mint may have been located here. Literary sources refer to jewel making as an important craft of Karuvur. This is confirmed by the discovery of finger rings with various motifs carved on them (including those in the Graeco-Roman style) and legends giving the names of various individuals. Not far from Karur, there are early Tamil–Brahmi donative inscriptions at Pugalur and Arachchalur, recording donations made by Chera rulers as well as craftspeople and merchants; one of the merchants is specifically associated with Karur.

Muchiri—the Muziris of classical accounts—was the foremost port in the Chera kingdom. The Periplus speaks of cargo-laden ships landing here from Arabia and Egypt, and gives long lists of imports and exports. Pliny, on the other hand, states that due to the danger of pirates, ships had to anchor some distance away. An interesting 2nd century document known as the Vienna Papyrus records an agreement concerning the transportation of goods between two merchants—one based in Alexandria, the other in Muchiri.

Madurai (in Madurai district, TN), capital of the Pandya kingdom, is celebrated in Tamil tradition as the place where the third Sangam was held. There is a description of Madurai in the Maduraikkanchi, which is part of the Pattuppattu. It describes it as a large, grand city, enclosed by walls on three sides and the Vaigai river on the fourth. There is mention of its palace, temples, large houses, and two markets. Literary sources describe Madurai as a major centre of crafts such as the making of gold ornaments, ivory work, inlay work, chank cutting, and bangle making. There are references to its traders selling pearls and precious stones. The Arthashastra mentions Madurai as a centre of fine cotton textiles. The neighbouring area has yielded many coins, including Pandya issues. Early Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions have been found at many sites nearby; inscriptions at Alagarmalai record endowments made by merchants from Madurai.

Korkai was an important Pandya port, celebrated for its pearls in Sangam poems and Greek accounts. The Arthashastra also refers to the pearl fisheries of Pandya country. Today, Korkai village (in Tirunelveli district), near the mouth of the Vaigai, is about 6 km inland, but during early historical times it was no doubt right on the sea coast. Excavations here revealed BRW and locally made rouletted ware. There were potsherds inscribed with Brahmi letters belonging to c. 200 BCE– 200 CE. There are reports of NBPW sherds from the site, and a radiocarbon date takes the beginning of the settlement to as early as the 8th century BCE. Pearl oysters found at various levels in the excavations confirm the literary references to Korkai as an important centre of pearl fishing.

Uraiyur, capital of the early Cholas, is identified with a site that is today part of the town of Tiruchirapalli. Sangam poems describe it as a great fortified city with magnificent buildings. It is interesting to note that the poems also mention burial grounds full of stones on its outskirts, a description strongly reminiscent of megaliths. The fine textiles of Uraiyur are mentioned in Tamil and Graeco-Roman texts. Excavations revealed three phases of occupation at the site. The pottery of Period I included BRW, russet-coated painted ware, rouletted ware, and arretine ware. Some potsherds had graffiti and inscriptions in Brahmi of the 1st and 2nd centuries CE. In Period II, the BRW was gradually replaced by red-slipped ware. A rectangular cistern found at this level was identified as a dying vat. Period III at Uraiyur belonged to the early medieval period.

PRIMARY SOURCES

Madurai in the Maduraikkanchi

The Maduraikkanchi contains a long, poetic description of Madurai. Here is a small part of that description:

The city walls are sky-high and contain strong sally-ports and gateways old and strong on whose door posts is carved great Lakshmi’s form.

Their strong-built doors are blackened by the ghee poured as libation. And above the gates are rooms that look as high as cloud-capped hills, through which pass streams of men like the Vaigai’s flow.

The houses there have rooms of diverse kinds that seem to reach the skies and windows broad through which the south wind blows.

In wide long streets that are as broad as rivers, crowds of folk of various professions and speech create a noise in the morning market-place while buying things.

The loudly-beating drum which makes a noise like the wind-swept ocean’s roar announces loud to all a festival. When instruments are played with ease, as one runs one’s hands in water, those who hear their music dance with glee and shout, in streets where morn and eve the people buy and sell.

The streets present a very charming scene.

There one may see the various pennons used at festivals; those flags of victory great with various names, presented to the chiefs who took day after day fort after fort....

SOURCE Chelliah, 1962: 251

Kaverippumpattinam (also known as Pumpuhar or Puhar) was the premier Chola port in early historical times. Classical accounts refer to it as Khaberis or Camara. An entire Sangam collection —the Pattinappalai—is devoted to a description of this place. There are references to its two bustling markets laid out between the two sectors of the city, guarded by officers of the king, and to its inhabitants who spoke different languages. Kaverippumpattinam has been identified with Kaveripattinam, a small fishing village on the Tamil Nadu coast, located at the point where the Kaveri river flows into the Bay of Bengal. Excavations at the site (Soundararajan, 1994) reconstructed its history from the 3rd century BCE to the 12th century CE, and documented the growth of the settlement from a small village port with a simple dockyard made of wood and poles to a large and impressive port city. Ancient remains have been found in many villages nearby as well. At Vanagiri, there are remains of an artificial channel that drew water from the Kaveri into a reservoir

for irrigation purposes, probably built in the early centuries CE. Brick platforms for landing boats were found at Kilayur. Pallavanesvaram has a Buddhist temple and monastery dated to about the 3rd century. The large number of early medieval Chola coins found at Kaveripattinam indicates that it continued to be an important port in later times as well.

Kachchi (Kanchi) of the Sangam texts went on to become the famous temple city and Pallava capital of Kanchipuram in later centuries. Remains of the early historical period have been excavated in the area of the Shankara matha. Here, the lower levels of Period IA yielded BRW, while the upper levels had black-slipped ware and rouletted ware, conical jars, terracotta figurines, and a Satavahana coin of the 2nd century CE. Excavations near the Kamakshi temple revealed three broad periods of occupation. Period IA had BRW in the lower levels, while Period IB showed BRW, rouletted ware, terra sigillata, beads, terracottas, and iron artefacts. A structure was identified as a Buddhist shrine. Roman coins have not been discovered so far at Kanchi, but they have been found at many places in its vicinity. Vasavasamudram (in Chingleput district), at the mouth of the Palar river, was probably the port connecting Kanchi to the sea. Excavations here yielded amphorae sherds, rouletted ware, and beads. There are remains of brick structures, terracotta double ring wells, and heaps of shell lime and beads. However, no BRW was reported. It is possible that Vasavasamudram may represent Nirppeyarru, a port mentioned in texts.

There are a large number of megalithic sites in the Krishna and Kaveri valleys, especially along the major trade routes. One of the most important of these is Kodumanal (Rajan, 1990, 1991), on the northern bank of the Noyyal, a tributary of the Kaveri. It can be identified with the ancient city of Kodumanal, famed in Sangam texts for gem and jewellery work. The site is located in the Kongu area, which is rich in beryls, other semi-precious stones, and iron ore. It is a habitation-cum-burial site and dates from the 3rd century BCE to the 3rd century CE. The evidence of iron-and-steel making (two furnaces and iron slag have been found), gemstone cutting, spinning, weaving, and the manufacture of shell bangles, suggest that it was a major industrial centre. Potsherds with Tamil– Brahmi writing have also been found.

There are over 150 burials to the east and north-east of the habitation area at Kodumanal. The earlier ones were secondary burials in which disarticulated remains were interred inside a cist. In the later period, there were pit burials in the houses, close to floor levels. The burials contained a large number of bowls and cups with post-firing graffiti, some resembling Brahmi letters. Over 100 inscribed pieces of pottery were also found in the excavations. Most of these were in the Tamil language and Tamil–Brahmi script. A few inscriptions are in the Prakrit language and Brahmi script. Palaeo-magnetic dating of these potsherds has given a range of c. 300 BCE to 200 CE. The writing on the pots includes the names of people, some Tamil, others Sanskritic. One of the words in the inscriptions was nikama or nigama, which means guild. Kodumanal gives important evidence of the transition to the early historical phase in South India, especially with reference to the beginnings of literacy and the development of centres of craft production.

Recently (personal communication), K. Rajan has revised his earlier classification and chronology for Kodumanal. He argues that the earlier division of the 2 m thick cultural deposit into megalithic (c. 300 BCE–100 CE) and early historical (100–300 CE) is untenable in view of the evidence of inscribed potsherds from the lowermost level of the site. He suggests that the entire deposit should be labelled ‘early historical’ and dated from c. 400 BCE onwards, or even earlier.

This conclusion has very important implications for the chronology of the early historical phase in South India.

Champakalakshmi argues (1996: 92) that the early historical urbanism of the far south was not induced by deep-rooted socio-economic change, but was stimulated by Indo-Roman trade, interregional trade (largely coastal trade between the Ganga valley, Andhra, and the Tamil regions), and later, by trade with Southeast Asia. She argues that trade activity led to the emergence of a few urban enclaves, which declined in the 3rd century along with the trade. This hypothesis is difficult to accept as trade cannot be considered an independent variable unrelated to deeper social and economic processes. In fact, the literary and archaeological evidence of specialized crafts such as metal working, bead making, and weaving; the descriptions in the poems of the markets of Puhar and Madurai; the references to wealthy traders and their lavish gifts; the beginnings of the use of money —all these things suggest that certain fundamental transformations in social and economic life were going on in South India.

Crafts and Guilds

The archaeological evidence cited in the previous sections includes very specific information on craft activity in the various regions of the subcontinent. As for literary sources, in the context of north India, Buddhist texts such as the Angavijja, Lalitavistara, Milindapanha, and Mahavastu refer to many professions, crafts, and guilds of craftspersons and traders. The Milindapanha alone mentions some 60 types of crafts. The localization of crafts is evident from Jataka stories which mention villages named after the main profession of their inhabitants—e.g., potters, carpenters, metal smiths, foresters, hunters, fowlers, fishermen, and salt makers. Within towns, houses of specific types of craftspersons were often concentrated in certain streets and quarters. In the context of South India, Sangam literature indicates the existence of many specialized crafts such as weaving, gem working, shell working, and metal working.

The Jataka stories often attach the suffix kula (family) or putta (son of) to various craft terms, indicating that sons tended to follow their father’s profession. Thus, there are references to a satthavahakula (family of caravan traders), kumbhakarakula (potters’ family), setthikula (family of merchant-cum-bankers), kammarakula (metal smiths’ family), atavirakkhikakula (family of forest guards), dhannavanijakula (grain merchants’ family), pannikakula (greengrocers’ family), and pasanakottakakula (stone grinders’ family). Terms ending in putta include satthavahaputta (son of a caravan trader), nisadaputta (son of a hunter), and vaddhakiputta (son of a carpenter). An inscription from Jamalpur in Mathura records the setting up of a stone slab, part of a naga shrine, by the Chhandaka brothers, all of whom were stone masons (shailalakas), probably following in their father’s footsteps. Although the hereditary principle operated in occupations, there must also have been a certain amount of flexibility and social mobility.

The variety of craft specialization is also evident from inscriptions from different parts of the subcontinent. Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions mention a mason, master mason, carpenter, and goldsmith. Donative inscriptions from sites such as Sanchi, Bharhut, and Mathura record the pious gifts of various kinds of artisans—potters, weavers, masons, goldsmiths, carpenters, sculptors, and ivory workers. Those from the western Deccan mention occupational groups such as jewellers (manikara), goldsmiths (suvanakara), blacksmiths (kamara), ironmongers (loha-vanij), perfumers

(gadhika), and stone masons (selavadhaki). Such inscriptions reflect the prosperity of craftspersons, their social standing, and their connections with burgeoning religious centres.

During the period c. 200 BCE–300 CE, there was a significant increase in the number of guilds, as well as in their scale of activities. The works of Moti Chandra (1977), H.P. Ray (1986), and K. K. Thaplyal (1996) have collated much of the data regarding this issue. The Jatakas refer to 18 guilds, but mention only four by name—those of wood workers (vaddhakis), smiths (kammaras), leather workers (chammakaras), and painters (chittakaras). Eighteen seems to be a conventional figure, and the actual number of guilds must have varied in different places at different times. The Mahavastu mentions many guilds of Kapilavastu, including those of gold workers, workers in chank shell, ivory carvers, lapidaries, stone carvers, perfumers, silk and wool weavers, oil pressers, curd sellers, sugar manufacturers, sweetmeat makers, flour makers, fruit sellers, and wine makers.

Guilds are also mentioned in inscriptions. For instance, inscriptions of the western Deccan mention guilds of weavers, potters, flour makers, oil millers, bamboo workers, and merchants. An inscription at Junnar records the gift of a cave consisting of seven cells and a cistern by a guild of corn dealers (dhanika seni). A 3rd century Nashik inscription of the time of the Abhira king Ishvarasena mentions several guilds of crafts and trades in this city. An early 2nd century CE inscription from Nashik refers to two guilds of weavers at Govardhana (modern Nashik).

Two Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions from Mangulam near Madurai mention the merchant guild (nikama) of Vellarai (Mahadevan, 2003: 319, 323). One of these indicates that members of this guild collectively contributed towards the carving of stone beds for Jaina ascetics in one of the caves. Vellarai is identified with the modern village of Vellarippatti near Mangulam. The high status enjoyed by members of merchant guilds is indicated by the title kaviti given to Antai Assutan, a member of the same guild, who appears as a donor in another Mangulam inscription. Kaviti was an honorific title bestowed by kings on ministers, nobles, and merchants. It is even more noteworthy that this guild member seems to have been the superintendent of pearls in the Pandya administration. The occurence of the word nikama on a potsherd from Kodumanal is another important piece of evidence.

The Jatakas refer to the head of a craftspersons’ guild as jetthaka or pamukkha. There are references to heads of guilds of garland makers (malakara-jetthaka), metal workers (kammara-jetthaka), carpenters (vaddhaki-jetthaka), and caravan traders (vaha-jetthaka). There are many references to sarthavahas—heads of caravan merchants. The head of a merchant guild was also referred to as a setthi. The Manu and Yajnavalkya Smritis reflect a more elaborate and complex organization of guilds than the Jatakas. The Yajnavalkya Smriti refers to the qualifications and powers of guild officers and discusses rules regarding apprenticeship. It also suggests the judicial role of guilds. Inscriptions indicate that guilds functioned as bankers.

Guilds appear to have had a close relationship with kings. The Mugapakkha Jataka refers to the heads of the 18 guilds being part of the official entourage of a king. In the Suchi Jataka, the head of a blacksmiths’ village is described as a favourite of the king (raja-vallabha). The Nigrodha Jataka suggests that the royal officer known as the bhandagarika had some authority over guilds. The Uraga Jataka refers to the head of a guild being appointed a mahamatra. The Arthashastra recommends that officials keep a record of the transactions and conventions of guilds. It also suggests that guilds be provided with specially designated areas in towns for pursuing their crafts

and work. The term shreni-bala in the Arthashastra seems to refer to a guild or corporate organization of warriors, and not to troops maintained by regular guilds.

The Dharmashastra texts of this period give the king the right to interfere in the affairs of guilds in certain situations. The Manu Smriti states that if a guild member broke an agreement out of greed, the king should banish him. The Yajnavalkya Smriti asserts that in the event of a quarrel among guild members, the king should make them follow accepted usage. It also states that if a guild cheated the king of his share of its profit, it should be punished by being made to pay eight times the amount. A guild was also to be punished if it moved to another location. However, the Mandasor inscription of a later period indicates that guilds did migrate, without apparently incurring any such punishment from the king.

PRIMARY SOURCES

Guilds as bankers

Several inscriptions of this period refer to people investing money with guilds as a pious endowment, the interest from which was to be given over to Brahmanas, Buddhist monks, or earmarked for some other pious activity. Guilds may have functioned as bankers in more mundane transactions as well, but records of these have not survived.

A Mathura inscription, dated in the 28th regnal year of the Kushana king Huvishka (106 CE) refers to a permanent (akshaya-nivi) investment of 550 puranas with a guild of samitakaras (perhaps flour-makers) and 500 puranas with another guild, the name of which is not clear. The donor, Kanasarukamana, seems to have been a subordinate of the Kushanas. The interest from these investments was to provide food for 100 Brahmanas in an open hall every month and for the distribution of food to the destitute, hungry, and thirsty on a daily basis.

An inscription from Junnar refers to an investment of the income of two agricultural fields at Vadalika by one Aduthuma with a guild at Konachika for the purpose of planting karanja and banyan trees. Another Junnar inscription records the investment of some money with guilds of bamboo workers and braziers.

A Nashik inscription belonging to the reign of the Kshatrapa ruler Nahapana records a permanent investment of 3,000 karshapanas made by the king’s son-in-law, Ushavadata. Two thousand karshapanas were invested by him with a weaver’s guild of Govardhana (Nashik) at 1 per cent rate of interest, and 1000 karshapanas were invested with another weaver’s guild of the place at the interest rate of ¾ per cent per month. The interest of the first investment was to be used to provide cloth worth 12 karshapanas for each of the 20 monks who lived in the monastery, while that from the second was to provide them with light meals. These investments were proclaimed in the guild assembly (nigama-sabha) and inscribed on stone as a permanent record. Thaplyal points out that this is the only ancient Indian inscription that clearly specifies the rates of interest on monetary investments, and that the monthly and annual interest rates work out to 12 and 9 per cent respectively. He also notes that these rates of interest are lower than the standard 1¼ per

cent per month mentioned in the Arthashastra and the Smritis. Further, it is interesting to note that two weavers’ guilds of the same town were offering different interest rates. Thaplyal suggests that ¾ per cent per month may have been the usual rate of interest in the Nashik area. The guild that was supposed to provide cloth for the monks may have offered a higher rate of interest because (a) since the cloth was supposed to be provided annually, there was the possibility of compounding the monthly interest, which was not possible in the case of the guild that was supposed to provide meals to monks on a daily basis; (b) it had the advantage of directly supplying in kind the very item it was manufacturing—i.e., cloth.

A 258–59 CE Nashik inscription of the reign of the Abhira ruler Ishvarasena mentions an endowment made in perpetuity by a woman named Vishnudatta with four different guilds of the town, in order to provide medicines for Buddhist monks living in the monastery on the Trirashmi hill. A thousand karshapanas were invested with a guild of kularikas (potters), 2,000 with a guild of odayamtrikas (workers who made hydraulic engines, water clocks. etc.), some amount (the part of the inscription specifying the amount is damaged and cannot be read) with the guild of tilapishakas (oil-millers), and 5,000 karshapanas with another guild, whose name cannot be read.

People may have spread out their investments in different guilds to be on the safe side, in case one of the guilds went bankrupt.

SOURCE Thaplyal, 1996: 90–92, 176–79

The importance of guilds is evident from coins and seals issued by them. Some coins found at Taxila have the legend negama on the reverse in Brahmi letters of the 3rd/2nd century BCE. On the obverse are what may have been names of localities—Ta(Ra)limata, Dujaka, Dojaka, A(taka?)taka, and Kadare. The legends pamchanekame and hiranasame also appear on certain coins. Some scholars consider them to be coins issued by city administrations, while others think they were issued by guilds. The term pamchanekame may refer to a corporation of five guilds. Hiranasame can be understood as the Prakrit form of hiranyasvami, which may mean an issuer of coined money. The coins in question may have been issued by a guild of traders responsible for issuing coins. Two copper coins from Kaushambi bearing the legend gadhikanam in letters of about the 2nd century BCE were probably issued by a guild of perfumers. Also belonging to about the same period are a number of coins bearing the names of cities such as Varanasi, Kaushambi, Vidisha, Erakina (Eran), Ujjayini, and Mahishmati. These may have been issued by city administrations or guilds that may have been influential in the city administration.

Seals and sealings with the terms nigama, nigamasya, or variants of these words have been found at sites such as Rajghat, Bhita, Hargaon, Jhusi, and Ahichchhatra. The script ranges from the 3rd century BCE to the early centuries CE. Some of the coins have symbols and a few also seem to bear personal names. A sealing found at Rajghat has a svastika symbol and the legend gavayaka (guild of milkmen) in Brahmi letters of the 1st century BCE. A Bhita sealing has the legend shulaphalayikanam in 2nd century BCE letters. This could be a reference to a guild of makers of

arrowheads or spearheads. A seal from Ahichchhatra has the legend kumhakara seniya (‘of the guild of potters’) in writing that belongs to the 1st century CE.

Trade and Traders

The period c. 300 BCE–300 CE saw a significant expansion of trade activity, both within the subcontinent and between the subcontinent and other lands. Trade was facilitated by the expansion of the money economy, and the issuing of small denominational coins by the Kushanas and Satavahanas paved the way for the use of coins for small-scale transactions. Literary works of the time refer to dinara (a gold coin), purana (a silver coin), and karshapana (a copper coin). In the far south, apart from northern coins and locally made punch-marked coins and Roman denarii, there is evidence of die-struck coins issued by the Chera, Chola, and Pandya kings. Most coins in ancient India were issued by the state, but as mentioned above, there are a few examples of city coins and guild coins. Barter and the use of cowrie shells (the shell of the gastropod Cypraea moneta, found in the waters off the Maldive islands) as a unit of exchange continued along with money-based transactions.

The Dharmashastra texts lay down various prescriptions concerning taxes, profit, and rates of interest on loans. However, they need not necessarily be reflective of the way trade and markets actually functioned. For instance, the Yajnavalkya Smriti states that the king should fix the price of goods allowing a 5 per cent profit on indigenous goods and 10 per cent on foreign goods, and that he should keep in mind the interests of the consumer and merchant when fixing prices. The Manu Smriti adds that the cost of transportation and retention, and perhaps also outlay, should be taken into account. It suggests that traders should be taxed on their profit, not on their capital outlay, and suggests a 5 per cent tax rate. The texts lay down punishments for adulteration, cheating, and fraudulent measures. The interest rates prescribed are high. The Manu Smriti states that interest rates should vary according to the risk factor, and also according to the varna of the borrower.

The Jatakas give accounts of long caravan journeys. They mention people travelling on foot and bullock carts, and rich people travelling in chariots and palanquins. They refer to wells and tanks along roads, and rest houses where weary traders and travellers halted for rest and refreshment. They talk of city gates being closed at night. There are Jataka stories of bodhisattvas who were sarthavahas, who led their caravans with calm and wise judgement. Ports were often important manufacturing centres themselves or were connected to such centres in their hinterlands. Texts such as the Jatakas refer to partnerships among merchants.

Sangam texts give vivid literary sketches of the markets and traders of Tamilakam. They describe the markets of Puhar and Madurai and their sellers of flowers, garlands, aromatic powders, betel leaf, shell bangles, jewellery, cloth, garments, wine, and bronze. The poems mention caravans (chattu) of itinerant traders, who carried goods such as paddy, salt, and sometimes pepper to the interior regions, and perhaps also brought goods from the interior regions to the ports. There are descriptions of difficult journeys made by caravans of salt traders (umanachchattu), their goods laden on bullock carts, equipped both with plenty of provisions for sustenance and bows and spears for protection. The paravatar were inhabitants of the sea coasts who were initially involved in fishing and making salt and toddy. They gradually diversified into pearl diving as well as long-distance trade in pearls, chank bangles, tamarind, fish, precious stones, and horses, and became quite

prosperous in the process. Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions mention merchants dealing in cloth, salt, oil, ploughshares, gur (unrefined sugar), and gold.

FURTHER DISCUSSION

Ancient travellers

In ancient times, as today, people travelled for many different reasons. Apart from traders, travellers included students, teachers, professionals, ascetics, and entertainers. People travelled to see new places, meet friends and relatives, start a new life, or just for the adventure and fun of it. Moti Chandra has put together many of the interesting Jataka stories about travel and travellers. Here are a few:

There is a Jataka story of a horse trader who came to Varanasi from Uttarapatha with 500 horses. A bodhisattva allowed him to put a price on his horses. The king hoped to make some money for himself and, out of greed, sent one of his own horses for the sale. Unfortunately, the king’s horse bit the others and brought the price of all of them down drastically.

The Darimukha Jataka tells the story of prince Darimukha who finished his education in Taxila and then set out on a series of travels to study the manners and customs of people in various parts of the country. He took a friend—the son of a royal priest—along for company.

A Jataka narrates the story of four sisters who, after the death of their father, travelled to many cities for the purpose of philosophical debate. They carried along with them the branches of a jamboline tree. Arriving at Shravasti, they planted the branches outside the city gates and announced that if anybody dared to uproot them, they would have to engage them in public debate.

Another Jataka speaks of 500 travelling acrobats who arrived in Rajagriha every year and earned much money from their performances. One of the female acrobats performed such amazing acrobatic manoeuvres that a banker’s son fell in love with her and proposed marriage. She agreed, on condition that he too become an acrobat and join the troupe. The besotted suitor accepted her terms.

The Shankha Jataka tells the story of a Brahmana named Shankha, who was financially ruined due to his extravagant habits. Deciding to revive his sunken fortunes through trade enterprise, he built a ship and loaded it with cargo. He then bade farewell to his relatives, headed for the port along with his servants and set sail for Suvarnadvipa (Southeast Asia).

The Samuddavanija Jataka tells of 1,000 families of carpenters living near Varanasi who took an advance for making a large order of furniture which they could not make on time. Hounded by disgruntled clients and fearing the consequences, they decided to migrate. They swiftly built some ships and sailed off along with their families to a wonderful island, endowed with fruit

trees and fields of rice and sugarcane. Here, they met a passenger from a shipwreck, who was happily living a life of ease and contentment.

Such incidents in the Jataka stories need not necessarily represent ‘historical facts’. Nevertheless, the characters and situations woven into the stories do tell us about travel and travellers in early historical India.

SOURCE Chandra, 1977: 56–57, 61, 64

Trade continued to ply along the Uttarapatha and Dakshinapatha (for details, see (< />)Chapter 5). The Uttarapatha connected Taxila in the north-west with Tamralipti in the Ganga delta. Other important routes included the sea route connecting Sindh and Gujarat. The route from Rajasthan to the Deccan followed the western foothills of the Aravalli hills. From Mathura, an important route followed the Chambal valley to Ujjain in the Malwa region, and from there to Mahishmati in the Narmada valley. From Mahishmati, after crossing the Satpura hills and the Tapi river, one route crossed the Western Ghats to Surat, while another went into the Deccan. Routes connected Ujjayini in Malwa with Bharukachchha and Supparaka on the western coast. Another route connected Kaushambi with Vidisha in eastern Malwa. The long-used routes of South India followed the rivers, and included those connecting Manmad and Masulipatam, Pune and Kanchipuram, Goa and Tanjavur– Nagapattinam, and Kerala and Cholamandala.

Important trade termini in northern India included Pushkalavati in the north-west, Patala and Bhrigukachchha in the west, and Tamralipti in the east. The Periplus refers to market towns of western India such as Paithana (Paithan), Tagara (Ter), Suppara (So-para), and Calliena (Kalyan). Strabo talks of boats from the sea sailing up the Ganga to Pataliputra. Further south, the port of Muziris (Muchiri) was important. There was active coastal trade as well. The ports on the eastern coast gradually emerged as a significant factor in India–Mediterranean maritime trade in the late 1st or early 2nd century CE.

Literary sources mention various items involved in trade between different regions of the subcontinent—cotton textiles from the east, west, and far south; steel weapons from Aparanta in the west as well as from the eastern regions; horses and camels from the north-west; and elephants from the eastern and southern regions. The Jatakas mention the merchandise for which certain cities were famous—e.g., the silk, fine muslin, and sandalwood of Varanasi; the red blankets of Gandhara; the woollen textiles of the Punjab; and the cotton textiles of Kashi. The Arthashastra refers to textiles of the south. Kanchi and Madurai were renowned for their fine cotton cloth. The Pattinappalai tells us that horses were imported from the north. Pepper was another important commodity of trade. Archaeological evidence from sites in different parts of the subcontinent helps to construct a more detailed and specific inventory of goods that were involved in the trade of the times.

LONG-DISTANCE TRADE

The Indian subcontinent was part of a larger Indian Ocean world from protohistoric times onwards. H. P. Ray (2003) suggests a broader approach towards maritime history—one that looks at the ‘social practice of maritime technology’. This includes looking not only at commodities and trade

routes, but also at boat building and sailing techniques, the organization of shipping, and at fishing and sailing communities, along with traders. It also involves identifying the close connections between maritime activity and the broader structures of political, economic, social, religious, and cultural history.

The flourishing long-distance trade of the period c. 200 BCE–300 CE comes alive in many texts and is also documented in archaeology. Marine archaeology has brought to light important evidence of ancient coastal cities that have been swallowed up by the sea. Excavations at Dwarka and Bet Dwarka off the Gujarat coast (these sites have yielded much earlier remains as well) have revealed remains of structures, stone images, objects made of copper, bronze and brass, iron anchors, and a wrecked boat belonging to the period c. 200 BCE–200 CE. These sites were clearly oriented towards maritime trade.

The Jatakas mention long-distance journeys over land, river, and sea. Indian traders are described as venturing into Suvarnadvipa (Southeast Asia), Ratnadvipa (Sri Lanka), and Baveru (Babylon?). There is also reference to ports on the western coast such as Bharukachchha, Supparaka, and Suvara and those on the eastern coast such as Karambiya, Gambhira, and Seriva. There are stories of voyages, difficult journeys, and shipwrecks. The Jatakas refer to sailors organized in guilds, the head of which was known as the niyamakjettha.

Sangam poems talk of yavanas bringing goods by ship into the ports of South India. The ports on the Coromandal coast were especially important for trade with Southeast Asia. There is mention of merchants speaking many different languages at Kaveripattinam. Another port that is mentioned is Perimula (or Perimuda). This has been tentatively identified as located at the mouth of the Vaigai, near Rameswaram. Excavations here revealed Roman pottery and coins, as well as locally made imitations of Roman pottery and local coins.

The demand for Chinese silk in the Mediterranean region was a major stimulus to trans-regional and trans-continental trade in this period. The existence of the Kushana empire was a stimulus to trade as it included a section of both silk routes and also because it probably provided a modicum of safety for traders and a reduction of tariff posts. The maritime route from the western coast of India to the Persian Gulf was known from proto-historic times. It became increasingly important in the early centuries CE after traders started taking advantage of the south-west monsoon winds to sail across the Indian Ocean.

What did the Indian boats of the time look like? The Jatakas talk of ships made of planks of wood, equipped with three masts, rigging, sails, planks, and oars. The crew of a big ship included the captain (shasaka), pilot (niryamaka), a person in charge of manipulating the cutter and ropes, and a bailer of water. Like other ancient mariners such as the Phoenecians and Babylonians, Indian sailors used special birds to identify land. When released from the ship, these would fly towards land if it was nearby, but would otherwise return to the ship. The ancient Greeks often remarked on the differences between Indian boats and those of the Mediterranean lands. Onesicritis (who is supposed to have sailed to the mouth of the Indus in the course of Alexander’s campaign) is cited in Strabo’s account as stating that the Indian boats’ peculiar construction and the inferior quality of their sails were responsible for their poor sea worthiness. Pliny also mentions the peculiar construction of Indian boats, but describes them as suited to the seas they sailed on. The distinctive feature of these boats was that their planks were not held together with nails, but were stitched together with coir

rope made especially for the purpose. Sewn boats were probably considered better suited to withstanding the impact of strong waves and hitting the shore.

PRIMARY SOURCES

Kaveripattinam in the Pattinapalai

Here is part of the vivid description of Kaveripattinam in the Pattinapalai, which is part of the Pattuppattu. Note the idealized description of the vanigar (merchants):

…The good and worthy gods protect the city’s limits. Here are brought swift, prancing steeds by sea in ships, and bales of pepper black, by carts. The Himalayas send gems and gold, while the Kudda hills send sweet sandalwood and akhil; pearls from the south sea come, red coral from the eastern sea. The Ganga and the Kaveri bring their yield. Sri Lanka provides its food, and Myanmar manufactures rare. With other rare and rich imports this wealth lies close and thickly piled, confused along the spacious streets. Where merchants live the fish is safe in the sea, and the cattle on the land. Quite free and happy are their lives Amidst their multiplying kin They know no foes; the fish play near the fishers’ quarters unafraid, and cattle multiply untouched in butchers’ haunts. The merchants thus condemn the taking of these lives. They tolerate not thieving vile. They do their duties by the gods, oblations offer, tend with care fine bulls and cows, exalt the priests, that teach the Vedas four; they give their guests food cooked and uncooked too. Unstintingly they dispense alms, and live a life of gracious love. The long yoke of their curved plough is balanced with a central pin— even so their hearts are poised and just. They speak the truth and deem it shame to lie. For others’ goods they have the same regard as for their own in trade. Nor do they try to get too much in selling their own goods, nor give too little when they buy. They set a fair price on all things. Their ancient wealth was thus acquired. It’s here the merchants crowded live.

SOURCE Chelliah, 1962: 39–40

Apart from Chinese silk, other commodities were involved in the vibrant trade interactions and networks connecting the Indian subcontinent, central Asia, West Asia, China, Southeast Asia, and Mediterranean Europe. Given the enormous distances involved in the transport of some of the goods, it is not surprising that these trade networks involved many groups of traders from different lands.

TRADE WITH EAST AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

The period c. 200 BCE–300 CE saw an intensification of trade contacts between the Indian subcontinent and East and Southeast Asia. Given its proximity to central Asia and the Chinese military garrisons in the Pamirs, the area around Gandhara was of special interest to the Han emperors of China. The intial military and political interests were, however, soon overtaken by trade and religious exchanges with the Indian subcontinent. The commercial exchanges were dominated by silk.

The history and nature of the early trade between ancient India and ancient China have been discussed by Xinriu Liu (1988). The great Chinese Silk Route connected India with central Asia, West Asia, and Europe. This route stretched some 4,350 miles from Loyang on the Yellow river (also known as the Huang He) in China to Ctesiphon on the Tigris river in West Asia. From Loyang it went on to Ch’ang and Tunhuang, near the source of the Yellow river. From there, the route bifurcated into a northern and a southern segment. The northern route went through the oases that lay between the northern edge of the Takla Makan desert and the Tienshan mountains. The southern one went along the southern edge of the desert and the Kunlun mountains. The two routes met at Kashgar, only to again split into two. The northern route, which ran through Kokand and Samarkand in Tajakistan and Uzbegistan and went on to the Caspian Sea, was the main route to Persia. The southern route went through Bactria (northern Afghanistan) and joined up with the northern route at Merv in Turkmenistan. From Afghanistan, a route ran through Kapisi and the Kabul valley to the north-western cities of the subcontinent such as Purushapura, Pushkalavati, and Taxila, and to the cities further inland. Another route from Kashgar ran through Gilgit in Kashmir. North-west India became an important junction for the trade between China and the Roman empire. As pointed out by Liu, the cost and risks of overland and overseas transportation across long distances must have added significantly to the cost of Chinese silk.

Coral and glass were valued commodities in China in the early centuries CE, but there is not a great deal of archaeological evidence of Roman glassware reaching China. In fact, very few Roman items have been found there, perhaps due to inadequate archaeological excavations. Frankincense and styrax were two fragrances that were obtained by the Chinese from central Asia and then exported westwards. These and other Chinese and central Asian items were imported into India and then shipped to the west from ports such as Barygaza (near the mouth of the Narmada) and Barbaricon (at the mouth of the Indus). Superior animal hides were among the central Asian products. The important items transported from or through India to China during this period were pearls, coral, glass, and fragrances. Silk was the major Chinese export to India.

Trade between China and the West was disturbed in the 3rd and 4th centuries due to political factors. After the end of the Han dynasty in 220 CE, China remained divided, except for a brief period of unification under the Qin dynasty. This was also the time when the Byzantine empire broke away from Rome and when the Kushana empire collapsed. Some of the cities along the Oxus seem to have become deserted in this period. However, trade between China and India did not come to an end, although there were some changes in routes.

For a long time, Indian historians tended to view India’s relations with Southeast Asia through the perspective of a political and cultural colonization of the latter. More sober re-assessments have examined the reciprocal links between India and Southeast Asia from a more objective and longterm perspective. However, there is a great need to further explore the nature and manifestations of these interactions. Ancient Sanskrit and Pali texts refer to a land known as Suvarnadvipa or Suvarnabhumi—the land of gold, associated with riches. This is usually identified with Southeast Asia. This identification is more certain in the Arthashastra, which refers to incense called kaleyaka from Suvarnabhumi, and aloeswood that came from beyond the sea. The Milindapanha also refers to Suvarnabhumi in the context of shipping ports. The Jatakas mention sea voyages from Varanasi and Bharukachchha to this land.

There is archaeological evidence of maritime links between India and both coastal and inland Southeast Asia from c. 500/400 BCE onwards (Ray, 1994). The evidence of Indian artefacts consists basically of beads of coloured glass, faceted carnelian, and etched agate at metal age sites in contexts dated c. 500 BCE–1500 CE. Etched carnelian beads have been discovered as surface finds at sites such as U Thong and Krabi in Thailand. Such beads have been found at burials at Don Ta Phet in west-central Thailand. A few have also been found in the course of excavations at Kuala Selinsing in Malaysia. Glass beads in different shapes and colours—some of South Indian origin—have been found at Southeast Asian sites in contexts ranging from c. 300 BCE to the 17th century CE.

In the 1st century CE, there was an increase in the quantity and variety of Indian items exported from India to Southeast Asia. The background to this change was the emergence of kingdoms in mainland Southeast Asia, an increasingly ranked society, expansion of craft production, and greater inter-regional trade. Indian artefacts were found in the iron age burials of Don Ta Phet, Khuan Lukpad (in the Malay peninsula), and Chaiya (on the south-east coast of Thailand). They were also discovered in emerging urban centres in the valleys of the Chao Phraya, Irrawaddy, and Mekong rivers. Since coinage was absent in Southeast Asia till the middle of the 1st millennium BCE, the trade with India must have been via barter or the use of cowrie shells.

MAP 8.4 MAJOR ROUTES CONNECTING ASIA, EUROPE, AND AFRICA

MAP 8.5 INDIA AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

On the basis of literary and archaeological evidence, the following list of exports from Southeast Asia to India can be compiled: gold, spices such as cinnamon and cloves, aromatics, sandalwood,

and camphor. Some of these items were shipped on to Western markets from India, as there was a demand for them in the Mediterranean region as well. It is also possible that tin was exported to the subcontinent from the Malay peninsula. Exports from India to Southeast Asia included cotton cloth, sugar, beads, and certain kinds of pottery. The trade was clearly not confined to luxury goods.

Ray (1994: 7) argues that there were a number of changes in international trade patterns in the 3rd and 4th centuries. These included the splitting up of long-distance trade networks into regional and local circuits. There was a southward shift in Roman trade interests. There was also an expansion of India’s trade with West Asia. The ports of Sri Lanka increased in importance with the development of a direct route between Sri Lanka and China.

INDO-ROMAN TRADE

As mentioned earlier, the term yavana was initially used in ancient Indian texts to refer to the Greeks, but soon came to refer to all foreigners who came from the regions lying to the west of the subcontinent. In Ashoka’s inscriptions, the yavanas appear as a people who lived on the northwestern borders of the Maurya empire. During c. 200 BCE–300 CE, they appear as ‘westerners’ involved in trade. Early Tamil literature frequently refers to them. Sangam poems mention their large ships sailing on the Periyar river, bringing in gold and wine and sailing away with cargoes of black pepper. A poem in the Pattuppattu compares the noise made by the weavers of Madurai with that made by workers who loaded and unloaded merchandise onto yavana ships at midnight. A poem by Nakkirar refers to the Pandya king Nanmaran drinking perfumed and cold wine brought by the yavanas.

PRIMARY SOURCES

Periplus Maris Erythraei (The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea)

Ancient Greek and Roman geographers referred to the Indian Ocean, Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf as the Erythraean Sea. The Periplus Maris Erythraei is a unique handbook, written in Greek for traders involved in mercantile activity between Egypt, east Africa, southern Arabia, and India. The book must have been useful for traders in ancient times; it also offers historians a very useful source of detailed information on trade in the Indian Ocean.

The text survives in the form of a 10th century manuscript preserved in Heidelberg (of which there is a copy in the British Museum). The manuscript is full of errors and omissions, and apart from the hand of the original copyist, there are changes, corrections, and mistakes inserted by another hand. Lionel Casson, who has published a recent edition, translation, and commentary, points out that this must be partly because of errors in the original manuscript that the copyist was copying from and partly because the Periplus mentioned many places and things that were unfamiliar to him.

Although some scholars place the Periplus as late as the 3rd century CE, it seems to belong to the mid-1st century CE. It is clearly the work of one author, whose name we do not know. We can tell, however, that he must have been a Greek who lived in Egypt, because he mentions ‘the trees

we have in Egypt’ and also gives the Egyptian equivalents of Roman months. Certain references in the text and the level of detail indicate that the author wrote from personal experience, not from hearsay. He had the interests and writing style of a businessman, rarely betraying any literary flourish. He was evidently a merchant writing for the benefit of other merchants. His book gives details of sailing schedules, routes, trade, ports, and merchandise. The author also threw in information about rulers whose control extended over the ports. He was a curious and observant man, and added many remarks on flora and fauna and on the appearance, life, and customs of people of different lands. One thing that he does not say much about is religion.

The Periplus describes trade conducted along two main routes starting from the Red Sea ports of Egypt. One route went along the African coast, the other to India. There are references to other routes as well. The wealth of detail in the book has enabled historians to draw up an inventory of items traded at various ports involved in Indian Ocean trade networks in the early centuries CE.

SOURCE Casson, 1989

The period between the 2nd century BCE and 2nd century CE saw flourishing trade between India and the Roman Empire. Apart from the export of Indian goods to the Mediterranean, India also played an important role in the Chinese silk trade. From the time of the Roman emperor Augustus (27 BCE–14 CE), there was a tendency for traders to avoid the section of the Silk Route that passed through Parthia in central Asia, due to the turbulent conditions there. A part of the trade was diverted overland to India and onwards from the Indian ports to the Roman empire via the sea route. This trade declined after the time of Marcus Aurelius in the late 2nd century BCE, partly as a result of the internal vicissitudes of the Roman empire; however, it did not come to an end.

The Periplus gives a list of goods exported to the Roman empire from Indian ports on the Indus delta and the Gujarat coast. Pliny and Dio Chrysostom refer to the drain of Roman gold into India. The Vienna Papyrus, which records the terms of a business deal between two shippers of Alexandria and Muchiri, seems to refer to a loan for the acquisition of goods including nard (aromatic balsam), ivory and textiles.

The large number of Roman coins discovered in India comprise almost 170 finds from about 130 sites (Suresh, 2004: 27–88, 153–59). Most of the coins belong to the reigns of emperors Augustus (31 BCE–14 CE) and Tiberius (14–37 CE), and there are also imitations of these coins. There are silver coins known as denarii and gold ones known as aurei. The silver coins are more numerous, both in Rome and India. There is a concentration of finds in the Coimbatore area of Tamil Nadu and the Krishna valley in Andhra Pradesh. Although some Roman coins have been found at sites in western India, for example, near Sholapur, Waghoda, Vadgaon-Madhavpur, and Kondapur, they are relatively few in number. Apart from a handful of finds at sites such as Taxila, Manikyala, and Mathura, scarcely any Roman coins have been found in north India. While the Kushanas may well have melted down and re-minted Roman gold coins, this does not explain the virtual absence of silver coins in the north. Only one coin hoard of gold aurei has been reported in eastern India (in Singhbhum). Some of the Roman coins in India are marked by slash marks and small countermarks

which include dots, stars, and curves. The precise reasons for the slashes are not clear; they may have been ownership marks.

MAP 8.6 DISTRIBUTION OF ROMAN COINS IN INDIA (AFTER SURESH, 2004)

In areas where well-established systems of currency already existed—for instance in the Kushana and Satavahana kingdoms—Roman coins may have been melted down for bullion, whereas in the

eastern Deccan, where indigenous currency systems were weaker, they may have been used as currency. Recently, it has been shown that Roman coins made their way to India well after the reigns of the kings in whose reigns they were issued. P. Berghaus (1991) also points to the finds of Roman copper coins in Gujarat from the 2nd half of the 3rd century CE. Roman bronze coins are found at several places in India, mostly in Tamil Nadu, in contexts dating from the latter half of the 4th century CE. Thousands of them have also been found in Sri Lanka. This clearly shows the southward shift of maritime networks.

Apart from coins, valuable information regarding Indo-Mediterranean contacts comes from pottery. The two types of Roman pottery found in India are amphorae jars and terra sigillata. Amphorae are jars with a large oval body, narrow cylindrical neck, and two handles. Terra sigillata is a red glazed pottery, decorated by being pressed into a mould. Scholars used to call it ‘arretine ware’, after Arezzo, an important centre for the production of such pottery. However, not all pottery of this type found at Arikamedu in fact came from Arezzo. Hence, the use of the more appropriate term terra sigillata, which includes moulded, decorated wares as well as undecorated, wheel-made ones made in Italy or imitations thereof. Rouletted ware is a pottery with a smooth surface and usually a metallic lustre, with concentric bands of rouletted designs. Pottery of this type found at several Indian sites, especially in eastern and south-eastern India (both on the coast and in the interiors) was once thought to be a foreign ware; however, it is now considered to be locally produced. Red polished ware, which is found at many sites in Gujarat, was also once considered a foreign ware, but is now considered to have been locally made.

Valuable evidence of India’s maritime trade links comes from the site of Arikamedu on the Coromandal coast, 4 km from Pondicherry, on the right bank of the Ariyankuppam river, just where it enters the Bay of Bengal. Excavations conducted in 1945 revealed an occupation stretching from the end of the 1st century BCE to the 1st and 2nd centuries CE. Northern and southern sectors of the settlement were identified. A brick structure in the northern sector was identified as a warehouse. In the southern sector, two walled courtyards associated with tanks and drains were tentatively identified as dying vats where muslin cloth was dyed and prepared for export. Locally produced pottery was found, but there were also some Mediterranean wares—amphorae and arretine ware (which, as mentioned earlier, is now usually referred to as terra sigillata). The amphorae were jars with a pink body, yellow slip, and two handles. There was also a rouletted black ware which showed some foreign influence. Other finds included over 200 beads of shell, bone, gold, terracotta, and semi-precious stones. A Graeco-Roman gem bore what could be an intaglio carving of the emperor Augustus. A fragment of a Roman lamp made of a fine red ware was also found. On the basis of these discoveries, Mortimer Wheeler concluded that Arikamedu was Poduke, one of the yavana emporia (trading stations) mentioned in classical accounts. Recent excavations at Arikamedu have led to the revision of some of these ideas.

RECENT DISCOVERIES

Recent excavations at Arikamedu

Arikamedu was re-excavated in 1989– 1992. The excavations resulted in new discoveries and a re-assessment of some of the old evidence and conclusions.

Earlier,1. it was thought that the settlement at Arikamedu was established in the 1st century BCE with the beginning of Indo-Roman trade. Recent excavations brought to light the fact that a fairly well-established settlement was already in place at the site before the advent of this trade.

The2. earlier excavations had identified the northern sector as a port area and the southern one as an industrial area specializing in bead and textile manufacture. However, it seems that activities were not so neatly divided. It also seems that some people— probably merchants and sailors—lived in both sectors.

More3. foreign pottery was found in the northernmost part of the settlement, so it is possible that some foreigners may have lived here.

The4. tank-like structures in the southern sector do not appear to be connected with dying cloth at all. They may have been enclosures for storing food or other sorts of goods.

Earlier,5. it was thought that Indo-Roman trade ended in the 2nd century CE and that Arikamedu was abandoned thereafter. The recent excavations indicate that although the trade did decline, it did not come to an end. Some amount of trade seems to have continued till the 7th century.

Coins6. of the Chola kings, medieval clay lamps, and remains of still later periods indicate that Arikamedu was occupied—with some breaks—till modern times. East Asian pottery at the site suggests a reorientation of trade networks.

Other questions to which there are yet no definite answers include: What did the Roman amphorae jars hold? Was it wine, sauce, or olive oil? Who were the consumers of the merchandise—foreign traders, wealthy Indians, or both? Did traders from the Roman empire actually live at Arikamedu in large numbers? The textual and archaeological evidence was initially understood as indicating the existence of Roman settlements in South India. Recent studies have questioned this. The amphorae may have contained wine for local elites rather than for Roman traders living at Indian sites. And it is also clear that the Indo-Roman trade was not a direct trade between the Indians and Romans, but involved the participation of middlemen from many regions, including the Arabs and Greeks of Egypt.

SOURCE Begley, 1996

MAP 8.7 THE ERYTHRAEAN SEA, ACCORDING TO THE PERIPLUS (AFTER HUNTINGFORD, 1980)

Apart from Arikamedu, Mediterranean amphorae and terra sigillata have been found at other southern sites such as Uraiyur, Kanchipuram, and Vasavasamudram (both in Chingleput district). They have also been found at sites in Gujarat and western India— such as Dwarka, Prabhas Patan, Ajabpura, Sathod, Jalat, and Nagara. Other sorts of objects that may possibly be of Roman origin have also been reported—e.g., terracotta objects, glassware, metal artefacts, and jewellery. However, many of these seem to be imitations of Roman objects. Clay bullae made in clay moulds imitating Roman coins are quite common all over the subcontinent. The bullae have a loop or perforation suggesting that they were worn around the neck. Brahmapuri, in the western part of Kolhapur town (in Maharashtra), yielded a large hoard of ‘Roman’ bronzes, including a statuette of Poseidon, the Roman sea god. Suresh (2004: 153–55) points out that the distribution pattern of

Roman artefacts in India indicates that while the trade was initially concentrated on the western coast, the Coromanadel coast soon became more important. Excavations at Berenike on the Egyptian coast, which have yielded black pepper and beads of South Indian and Sri Lankan manufacture in a 4th century CE context, reflect the flourishing East–West trade.

THE WIDER ROLES OF TRADE AND TRADERS

5

Merchants appear as donors in inscriptions from different parts of the subcontinent in this period. The increasing affluence of sections of the merchant community coincided with religious institutions getting more institutionalized and organized. Patronizing such institutions by extending financial support was simultaneously an expression of devotion and piety as well as a quest for the validation of social status.

Seafaring merchants can be identified in sculptures at several religious establishments. For instance, a railing medallion from Bharhut depicts a huge sea monster on the verge of swallowing a boat and its crew. An inscription suggests that this was a scene depicting the Jataka story of the merchant Vasugupta, who was saved from disaster by meditating on the Buddha. A Mathura sculpture depicts a bodhisattva in the form of a horse saving shipwrecked sailors from ravenous yakshis. A more graphic reflection of the perils faced by mortal seafarers are the hero stones found on the Konkan coast, sculpted with scenes of sea battles, set up by survivors in honour of those who had lost their lives.

It has been argued that a close relationship soon developed between Buddhist monasteries, traders, and guilds. Liu (1988: 122–23) has argued that as monasteries expanded and received more gifts, they were forced to get involved in various kinds of financial activities, and this led to the forging of a reciprocal relationship between monks and traders. Passing traders provided donations to monasteries, and monasteries in turn provided services for traders. Liu gives two examples to substantiate this point. The residue of what may be wine sedimentation (alternatively, it could be the residue of some sort of medicine) was found in amphorae sherds at the monastic site of Devnimori in Gujarat. The second example comes from Shaikhan Dheri, the site of ancient Pushkalavati. Here, a workshop or storeroom of what appears to be a liquor distillation apparatus was found in a Buddhist monastery. Liu argues that the evidence from these two sites shows that Buddhist monks were engaged in liquor trade. They may also have traded in items such as incense and precious stones, which may have been used for liturgical purposes. However, the evidence of direct links between Buddhist monasteries and trade is not on the whole very substantial. The location of monasteries along trade routes does not in itself constitute conclusive evidence. The hypothesis of the connections between Buddhist monasteries and guilds in ancient India seems to be based more on analogies with patterns that emerged in East Asia in a later period.

Other important issues relate to the cultural impact of trade and trade as a vehicle of cultural transmission. Liu has demonstrated the connections between long-distance trade, urbanization, developments in Buddhist theology, and the spread of Buddhism in China. She shows how the demand for relics, images, and ceremonial objects played an important sustaining role in Sino-Indian trade. Ray (1994) too argues for links between Buddhism and trade in this period, directing attention to possible Buddhist symbols and legends on coinage, seals, and pottery, and to the emergence of the idea of the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara as the saviour of travellers and seafarers. She argues that trade networks between the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia were initially dominated by

trading groups owing allegiance to Buddhism and that Buddhism spread to Southeast Asia through trading channels. However, while trade was an important vehicle of cultural transmission, there were other agents as well. The activities of Chinese and Indian monks are an important part of the story of the spread of Buddhism to China. And the fact that rituals in Southeast Asian courts were dominated (as in India) by Brahmanical practices points to the presence of Brahmana ritual specialists in those courts.

Aspects of Social Change in North India and the Deccan: Varna, Caste, Gender

All the developments discussed thus far in this chapter had social implications. However, there are a few aspects of social history that require further, separate discussion. The four varnas and ashramas remained the pillars of Brahmanical ideology, represented in the Dharmashastra texts of this period. The earlier idea of ashramas as alternative paths was, however, firmly replaced by the idea of their being consecutive stages. Outsiders such as the yavanas were absorbed into the varna scheme and were accounted for through the theory of varna-samkara (mixture of varnas). In the early Dharmasutras, the yavanas were described as the offspring of Kshatriya men and Shudra women. The Mahabharata variously describes them as the sons of Yayati; as born from the sage Vasishtha’s cow (along with others such as the Pahlavas, Dravidas, and Shakas) to destroy Vishvamitra’s army; or as Shudras. The Manu Smriti refers to them as vratya-kshatriyas—Kshatriyas who were degraded due to their non-performance of the sacrificial rituals. Such references indicate a tension between social incorporation and exclusion.

Jati, lineage, and occupation continued to be important bases of social identity. The texts do not give detailed evidence regarding the functioning of caste. They do, however, reflect a preference for endogamy and a hereditary element in occupations. There are also references to people of the same profession living in separate settlements or in distinct parts of settlements. As for restrictions regarding giving and accepting food, texts tend to talk mostly about those at the top of the caste hierarchy—the Brahmanas—and those considered outside the pale of caste society—the Chandalas.

The Manu Smriti contains a more detailed discussion of Chandalas than earlier texts. Some of its statements are a continuation of what earlier law givers had to say, but what stands out is the complete segregation of this group. The Chandala is to live outside the village (10.51). He can enter a village or town for performing functions assigned to him, but is to be distinguished by marks at the king’s command (10.55). He is apapatra—i.e., food for him should be placed on the ground, and he must not eat out of other people’s dishes (3.92). Several Jataka stories suggest that the injunctions regarding untouchability in the Manu Smriti were close to prevailing social practice. In these stories, the Chandalas are portrayed as a despised people living in separate settlements, whose sight and touch were considered polluting by others. They included corpse removers, cremators, executioners of thiefs, sweepers, public performers, hunters, and fruit sellers. The extreme prejudices against Chandalas are echoed in Jaina texts as well.

The existence of jati or caste distinctions and hierarchies did not mean that the system always operated with complete rigidity. There are indications of an element of social flexibility, reflected, for instance, in the recognition extended to the offspring of unequal unions. The Bhaddasala Jataka tells the story of how Prasenajit, king of Kosala, was furious when he found out that the Sakyas had tricked him into marrying the daughter of a Sakya prince by a slave woman. The king repudiated his

wife and son, but took them back when the Buddha told him that the family of the mother did not matter; it was the father’s family that counted. There is a Jataka story of a prince who, in the course of a love affair, apprenticed himself successively to a potter, basket maker, florist, and cook. Other stories tell of a prince becoming a trader, and a young man from a noble family becoming employed as an archer. Brahmanas are portrayed as taking to trade, living as hunters and trappers, farming, hiring themselves out as cowherds, etc. Of course, all these are instances of a person of a higher social station adopting vocations of the lower orders. Stories of successful upward mobility of lower-status groups are few.

As emphasized in an earlier chapter, there was a close connection between caste and roles and relations within the household, especially those between men and women. Texts of this period contain many apparently contradictory statements about women. For instance, the Manu Smriti both praises and reviles women. Olivelle ([2005], 2006: 29–36) suggests that the nature of the statements vary according to the issue being discussed. Where the discussion is about how men must guard their wives (9.14–16), women are described as lustful, fickle, hard-hearted, and completely untrustworthy. On the other hand, where the discussion is about how men should respect women (9.26–28), the latter are described as bearers of many blessings and as none less than Shri (the goddess of fortune) within the home. Where the discussion is about how men must not abuse women (3.56–58), Manu states that the gods rejoice where women are revered; where they are not, no rite bears fruit. The Manu Smriti emphasizes the husband’s control over his wife and her property; but it also states that the wife cannot be sold or repudiated, and that she cannot be treated as chattel, since she is obtained from the gods and not received like cattle and gold in the market (9.95). The husband is also supposed to support the wife in all circumstances, provided she is faithful (9.95).

Apart from individual statements and the contexts in which they are made, it is necessary to identify the broader social and family roles and structures valorized in texts such as the Manu Smriti. The strengthening of the patriarchal nature of the family and the increasing subordination of women is reflected in various ways in Dharmashastra works of this period. Women withdrew from public life, their access to knowledge was diminished, and they were increasingly dependent on male kinsmen. The preference for sons over daughters was accentuated and women were increasingly relegated to the domestic sphere. The increasing restrictions on their sexuality were reflected in the great emphasis on chastity. Pre-puberty marriages were one way of ensuring this.

Vijay Nath (1993–94) has examined the changing relationships between women and property in Brahmanical texts from the time of the Rig Veda to the 5th–6th centuries CE. She argues that by the time of the Smritis and Puranas, women were relegated to a position of almost complete subordination and subservience, and were treated as items of property, on par with Shudras. Women had a low priority among claimants to inherited property in the early Dharmasutras. But, according to Nath, from about the 2nd century BCE, the law givers recognized and gave prescriptions regarding women’s right to inheritance. It should be noted, however, that this only applies to stri-dhana. According to the Manu Smriti (9.194), stri-dhana includes six types of gifts—those received before the nuptial fire, in the bridal procession, those given or taken as a token of love (by her father-in-law or mother-in-law), and those received from her brother, mother, or father. However, it did not include inherited property or even property acquired by a woman through her own labour. Regular property rights continued to be essentially governed by rules of patrilineal inheritance. Nath extends her argument to assert that women’s rights to inherit immoveable property were significantly

acknowledged and expanded in the later centuries (Gupta and post-Gupta periods) in order to maintain the family’s control over property and to prevent it from escheating to (i.e., being taken over by) the state.

The Smriti texts do not deal with the details of marriage ceremonies, but they have a number of statements concerning marriage in general. The Manu Smriti (3.4) states that after completing his studentship, a dvija male should marry a girl who belongs to his own varna and possesses good qualities. The anxiety to marry girls off as early as possible was connected to the great importance attached to maintaining female chastity and producing children. Several Smritis reflect the idea that every menstruation that a girl has means a missed opportunity of conceiving a child; such a situation was considered equivalent to the killing of an embryo (bhruna-hatya). Unlike the earlier Dharmasutras, which stated that girls should be married on attaining puberty, later texts advocated pre-puberty marriages for them. Manu (9.94) states that a 30-year-old man should marry a 12-year-old girl, and a 24-year-old man should marry an 8-year-old girl. Apart from the young age of girls at marriage, this prescription also suggests a great age gap between bride and groom.

Like other Dharmashastra works, the Manu Smriti prefers marriages to take place within the varna, but acknowledges the existence of inter-varna unions and extends approval to anuloma (hypergamous) ones. The Manu Smriti (9.22) states that like a river merging with the sea, a woman attains the qualities of the husband with whom she is joined through marriage. However, the mixture of varnas that arose though pratiloma marriages is condemned as leading to chaos and ruin, and the king was enjoined to prevent them. Unlike the Baudhayana Dharmasutra, the Manu Smriti strongly disapproves of marriage of a man with his maternal uncle’s daughter or paternal aunt’s daughter. It also disapproves of the sale of daughters (i.e., accepting bride-price), but lays down certain rules for situations arising out of this practice. For instance, it states (8.204) that if a particular girl has been shown to a man and another one is given to him, he can marry both of them for the same price.

The reasons for which husbands can abandon their wives, according to the Manu Smriti, include if the wife is notorious, afflicted with disease, addicted to alcohol, cruel, treacherous, insubordinate, barren, a spendthrift, or harsh in speech. The text discusses how long a man should wait before abandoning a wife who has such faults. The text suggests that a barren wife should be given up in the 8th year, one whose children die in the 10th year, one who has produced only female children in the 11th year, but one who speaks harshly should be given up at once. On the other hand, it states elsewhere that a sick but virtuous wife who looks after her husband should never be insulted or abandoned; her husband should only take another wife with her consent. The Yajnavalkya Smriti (1.74) asserts that if a man gives up his first wife and marries again, he must look after her, otherwise he will incur sin. There are other indications of the prevalence of po-lygyny in the Dharmashastra, such as in the discussion of the property rights of a man’s sons born of various wives.

For women, on the other hand, lifelong monogamy is presented as the ideal. The Manu Smriti disapproves of widow remarriage. It asserts (9.47) that a daughter should only be given away in marriage once. On the other hand, it refers elsewhere (9.175) to the paunarbhava as the son of a woman who has remarried because she has been widowed, abandoned, or because she wants to do so. In the Manu Smriti, the idea of temporary self-denial and celibacy for widows in the earlier Dharmasutras is replaced by lifelong strictures: ‘A woman when her husband is dead, may, if she chooses, emaciate her body by subsisting on flowers, roots, and fruits, but she should not even take

the name of a male stranger. Till her death she should be forbearing, observe vows, be celibate, and should hanker after that pre-eminent code of conduct that is prescribed for women devoted to their husbands. On her husband’s death, if a virtuous woman abides by the rule of celibacy, she goes to heaven, even if she be sonless’ (Manu Smriti 5.157–160).

The Manu Smriti considers niyoga (levirate) a despicable custom, describing it as pashu dharma (the dharma of animals). However, it lays down certain procedures that should be followed if recourse to niyoga must be had. The Manu Smriti (9.69–70) states that if a woman’s husband dies after kanyadana, his younger brother should marry her and should unite with her once a month till a son is produced. The text (9.67) recognizes a son born out of a niyoga union as kshetraja (‘born of the field’, i.e., the woman).

FURTHER DISCUSSION

The Jatakas as a source of social history

The Jatakas can be used to reveal aspects of the everyday lives of ordinary people. They reflect a society marked by deep differences based on class and caste. The themes of hierarchy and pollution taboos occur frequently in the stories. Uma Chakravarti points out that while the popular narrative format ruled out a direct discussion of Buddhist philosophical themes, the stories were moulded in order to convey certain unambiguous messages emphasizing Buddhist ethics. The Buddhist monks must have drawn on a pool of existent folklore, and given it a Buddhist tinge.

The Jatakas consist of stories within stories. Each tale has four parts. There is an introductory story set in the age of the Buddha. Then comes the main story, set in a mythical past, wherein the Buddha appears as the protagonist or witness. The third part is a verse that summarizes the crux of the story, and the fourth and final part links the story of the past with the present. As is the case with other folk tales, the Jatakas deal with real concerns and issues of human society, even when the stories apparently deal with animals. Animals, like humans, are described as living in an unequal world. Sometimes, an inferior animal is made to realize his inferiority vis-à-vis superior ones. At other times, weaker animals are shown as getting the better of stronger ones through cunning. For instance, there is the story of the boar who was challenged to a contest by a lion. The boar dreaded the encounter because he knew he was no match for the lion. His fellow boars thought of a strategy—they suggested that he roll about in dung for seven days, and that the clean and finicky lion would refuse to fight him. They were proved right; the lion could not stand the stink and conceded defeat.

In the Setaketu Jataka, a Chandala is shown subverting the Brahmanical notion of pollution: A well-known teacher had a Brahmana student who thought a great deal of his high caste. One day, the student happened to come near a Chandala. The Brahmana was horrified at the thought that the wind might strike the Chandala’s body and then strike him, thereby polluting him. He therefore ordered the Chandala to move to the leeward side of the road so that he did not stand in the wind’s path. He himself moved to the windward side. However, the Chandala did not oblige.

He stood his ground on the windward side of the Brahmana and said that he would obey the Brahmana only if the latter could answer his question. The Brahmana accepted the challenge, but was unable to answer the question. As a result, he had to put up with public humiliation at the hands of the Chandala.

Several Jataka stories project prejudices against women, similar to those present in the Buddhist canonical texts. Women of the upper classes are frequently described as innately fickle, untrustworthy, and adulterous. The Bandana Mokkha Jataka tells the story of a queen who extracted a promise of fidelity from the king. She herself, on the other hand, commited adultery with every single messenger the king solicitously sent to ask about her welfare. On the other hand, there are stories of women from humble families, who, along with their menfolk, are shown seeking moments of pleasure in the midst of a life of hardship and poverty.

SOURCE Chakravarti [1993], 2004

While the Dharmashastra texts contain various prescriptions about the ideal roles of women belonging to the upper echelons of society, other texts introduce us to women from different backgrounds, associated with different vocations. In the Pali Jatakas, apart from queens, nuns, and courtesans, we encounter women associated with various occupations such as basket making, weaving, and dying.

Our window into gender relations expands still further when we look at non-textual evidence, especially inscriptions from various parts of the subcontinent (see Shah, 2001). Some record the activities of royal women. For instance, royal women of the Satavahana family are prominent in the epigraphic record and exercised intitiative in making donations in their own right. We can also note the use of matronyms by some Satavahana kings; names like Gautamiputra and Vasishthiputra suggest the king took on his mother’s gotra. In the Brahmanical system, gotra is inherited from the father, not the mother. The evidence of kings named with reference to their mother is therefore significant, but it does not necessarily constitute evidence of matriarchy or even matriliny. Matronyms may have been a way of identifying parentage in a polygynous situation. Or they may reflect the prevalence of forms of marriage that the Brahmanical tradition considered less than appropriate. The use of the same matronym by more than one king also raises the possibility that some Satavahana kings may have practised cross-cousin marriage. We can note a Nashik inscription, seemingly a copy of an inscription issued by Gautamiputra Satakarni and his mother, which describes the composer as a woman pratiharakshi (doorkeeper) named Lota. Numerous royal and elite women appear as donors in inscriptions of the Ikshvaku period at Nagarjunakonda.

Inscriptions also reveal the activities of countless non-royal women. As we shall see further on, such women appear in large numbers as donors at Buddhist sites. The evidence of a similar high incidence of female patronage in favour of Jaina establishments has been less studied. These instances do not necessarily tell us anything specifically about norms of inheritance. But they do suggest that certain women had some degree of control over the economic resources of their households. Finally, if we want to look for women of this period, we have to move beyond the words found in texts and inscriptions into the realm of images. As we shall see further on, various aspects of women and femininity are represented in the sculpture of this period.

Society in Early Historical South India

Ancient Tamil texts reflect processes of interaction between the northern Sanskritic and the southern Tamil cultures. The Sangam poets were familiar with the Mahabharata and Ramayana legends. In fact, the Chola, Chera, and Pandya kings claim to have fed the warring armies on the eve of the war. This should be understood as an attempt on the part of these dynasties to connect themselves with the epic tradition. The Tolkappiyam states that marriage rituals were introduced into Tamil country by the Aryas. We know that Buddhism, Jainism, and the worship of the gods Vishnu and Shiva also travelled from north to south. Reciprocal exchange between Sanskrit and the Dravidian languages is also evident in early texts.

The epic-Puranic tradition contains several legends about Agastya and Parashurama, connecting these sages with trans-Vindhyan India (Sastri [1955], 1975: 70–74). Historians interpret them as allegorical stories, a symbolic reflection of the spread of Brahmani-cal cultural influences to South India. The Rig Veda refers to the rishi Agastya’s curious birth from a kumbha (jar). The epics have more to say about him. The Mahabharata tells the following story: Agastya was married to a princess of Vidarbha named Lopamudra. Lopamudra wanted him to provide her with all sorts of luxuries without compromising his asceticism. Agastya went to three Arya kings for help, but in vain. Accompanied by these kings, he then approached Ilvala, king of Manimati, for help. Ilvala was a wicked demon who hated Brahmanas because long ago, a Brahmana had refused to grant him a boon making him equal to Indra. He had devised a devious ploy to avenge himself. He would transform his younger brother Vatapi into a ram and offer its meat to a Brahmana. Then, using his special powers, he would recall Vatapi to life and the latter would rip open the Brahmana’s stomach and emerge laughing. In this way, the duo had killed many a hapless Brahmana. When Agastya turned up at his court with the three Arya kings, Ilvala turned his brother into a ram and offered the meat to the sage. Agastya ate it, but when Ilvala called his brother to come forth, only air emerged. Due to Agastya’s remarkable metabolism, Vatapi had already been digested. Ilvala ended up giving Agastya the riches he needed to satisfy Lopamudra.

In another Mahabharata story, Agastya travels south and tells the Vindhyas to stop growing till he returns, which he never does. In the Ramayana, Rama tells his brother Lakshmana on the way to Agastya’s hermitage that this sage had fought the asuras (demons) and had made the Dandaka forest fit for the habitation of Aryas. Agastya is mentioned as an important sage in Tamil tradition. The Manimekalai mentions his miraculous birth from a jar and connects him with two Chola kings. Early medieval tradition lists him as a member of the first and second Sangams. A work on grammar called the Agattiyam is said to have been composed by him in the first Sangam.

The main thread of the legend connecting Parashurama with South India is as follows: Jamadagni was suspicious of his wife Renuka’s fidelity and ordered his son Parashurama to kill her. Parashurama complied and had to expiate his sin of matricide by exterminating the Kshatriyas, enemies of the Brahmanas. He did this and then, on Vishvamitra’s instructions, gifted the entire earth to the Brahmanas. Having no place to call his own, he performed a rigorous penance, as a result of which the god Varuna granted him a boon. Parashurama was to stand at Kanyakumari at the southernmost tip of the peninsula. He was to throw his parashu (axe) northwards, and could have all the land that fell within the throw. Parashurama did this; his axe landed at Gokarman, and all the land

upto that point became his. He brought in Brahmanas from the north and settled them in villages, providing law codes for them and for others.

It must be emphasized that although ancient texts indicate various kinds of interactions between northern and peninsular India, this interaction was a reciprocal one. The history of South India cannot be seen simplistically as a story of ‘Aryanization’, with northern Sanskritic influences operating on a passive south. In earlier chapters, we traced the evidence of the neolithic–chalcolithic and early iron age cultures of South India. Here, we will explore the evidence from Sangam poetry. This can be combined with the archaeological evidence of the later megalithic phase in the far south cited in both in this chapter and in (< />)Chapter 5.

Sangam literature reflects a society with its distinctive cultural traditions, one which celebrated war and love. Mention was made earlier of the close relationship between kings and bards, and of the puram poems that praised the valour and generosity of kings. There are also the beautiful love (akam) poems that speak of the love between man and woman. The poet does not speak through his or her own persona, but uses various characters such as the heroine, her friend, her foster mother, or the hero as his mouthpiece. The love poems use an interesting convention of associating themes with different landscapes known as tinai, each named after a flower. The kurinchi or mountain landscape was associated with the union of lovers, the palai (arid terrain) with separation, the mullai (pastoral region) with patient waiting, the neytal (seashore) with pining, and the marutam (riverine tracts) with sulking. The poems use vivid imagery and often rely on understatement and suggestion to convey deep emotion.

Sangam poems contain several incidental references to material culture, often as part of the poem’s setting or in similes and allusions. There are references to farming (rice and barley are mentioned), cattle rearing, and fishing. There are also several references to iron. Kuruntokai 16 refers to iron-tipped arrows. Akananuru 72 compares a bear digging out the comb from a termite mound, the front of which is swarming with fireflies glimmering like sparks from beaten metal, to a blacksmith forging iron. Purananuru 116 refers to the proud horses and iron weapons of the kings who came to fight Pari. Purananuru 21 talks of a mighty fortress called Kanapper which disappeared like water vapourized by iron heated in a glowing fire by a black-handed smith.

The social classification of varna was known to Sangam poets. There is mention of the Arashar (kings), Vaishiyar (traders), and Velalar (farmers). The Brahmanas are also mentioned, some of them closely associated with the courts of kings and patronized by ruling elites. They are described as performing yajnas, including ones on the battlefield, to ensure victory. In the Padirrapattu, the sage Kapila advises kings that they should give important jobs such as those of advisers to Brahmanas. However, the four-fold varna classification had little application to ancient Tamil society. The jati system was not a feature of this society either.

PRIMARY SOURCES

An ancient Tamil love poem

If mother finds out, let her.

And if this lovely little street with its loose mouths hears, let it.

Before the god at Puhar with its swift whirlpools,

I swear this is all that happened.

In the grove, I and my garlanded friends played in the sea, made little houses and heaped up play rice.

Then we were resting a bit, waiting for our tiredness to go,

when a man came up and said,

‘Innocent girls with round, soft arms as supple as bamboo!

The light of the sun has faded and I am very tired.

Would there be anything wrong if I ate a guest’s meal on a soft, open leaf, and then stayed in your noisy little village?’

Seeing him, we lowered our faces, and, hiding ourselves, we politely replied, ‘This food is not for you.

It is moist fish, eaten only by low people.’

Then suddenly someone said,

‘There, can’t we see the boats coming in with their tall, waving banners?’

At that we kicked over our sand houses with our feet.

Of all those who were leaving, he looked straight at me and said,

‘O you who have the lovely face, may I go?’ so I felt I had been ruined.

I answered, ‘You may,’

And he, staring at me all the while, Stood tall, holding the staff of his chariot. Still it seems to be before my eyes.

SOURCE Akananuru 110; Poet: Pontaip Pacalaiyar; Hart, 1979: 110

The more relevant basis of social classification was kuti. The kuti were clan-based descent groups and were central to the early Tamil system of agricultural production. Although associated with lineage and hereditary occupation, there were no real restrictions on inter-dining and social interaction among the kuti groups. The process whereby caste took root in South India is not adequately understood. Some scholars see it as a further development of the kuti organization. Rajan Gurukkal (1997) suggests that Brahmana landholdings played a key role in eventually breaking down the kin-based system of agrarian organization and the emergence of a new agrarian order and social relationships based, among other things, on caste.

Sangam literature reflects a belief in sacred or magical forces called ananku that were supposed to inhabit various objects. The job of carrying out rites and rituals to control the ananku was that of groups such as the Pariyans, Tutiyans, Panans, and Velans. They were associated with ritualistic singing, dancing, and trances, and with lighting the cremation fire and worshipping memorial stones. On this basis, George L. Hart (1976: 43) argues that the association of low castes with pollution is of southern origin. Ananku was also believed to cling to women. If a woman was chaste, her ananku

would be under control and had auspicious potential. Women were considered impure during menstruation and for a number of days after childbirth. Widows were considered extremely inauspicious and dangerous, and were supposed to lead a very austere life.

Sangam poems are pervaded with a warrior ethic. The goal of the hero of the puram poems was pukal (glory, fame) and a heroic death was greatly valued. It was believed that the spirit of a warrior who died in battle dwelt in paradise. A poem in the Purananuru suggests that the bodies of warriors who did not die in battle were cut with swords before the funerary rites, to simulate death in battle. The practice of vattakirutal was one in which a defeated king committed ritual suicide by starving himself to death, accompanied by those who had been close to him during his lifetime. The worship of memorial stones (natukal) was a corollary of the importance of the heroic ideal. Memorial stones were erected in honour of heroes who died fighting valiantly in battle; the spirit of the fallen hero was believed to reside in these stones.

Different kinds of funerary practices are mentioned in the poems. In Purananuru 228, the poet addresses a potter who must make urns for the dead Valavan. There are several references to cremation. In Kuruntokai 231, the heroine laments that her lover avoids her as though she were a burning ground for strangers. Purananuru 356 gives a fearsome description of a burning ground. In Purananuru 363, the poet speaks of the finality of death and of the cremation ground as the final home of great, good kings. There are also references to the exposure of the dead in Akananuru 77 and Purananuru 231.

Vijaya Ramaswamy ([1989], 1999) has drawn attention to the many references to women and work in Sangam poems and slightly later works, more so in rural than urban contexts. The poems mention women engaged in agricultural activities such as planting paddy seeds and weeding. Tasks such as the husking and winnowing of paddy were performed entirely by women. Young girls kept watch over the agricultural fields and drove away birds and animals. Women were involved in cattle rearing and dairy farming. The terms ayichchiyar, kovichchiyar, and idaichchiyar were used for shepherdesses. As today, so also in early historical times, spinning was done almost entirely by women. Sangam texts refer to women spinners as parutti pentukal. However, there are no references to women weavers. Bleaching and washing cloth were other activities in which women were involved. There is an interesting reference in the Purananuru to a potter woman of Venni (Vennikuyattiyar); she was also a poetess who composed a poem on the victory of Karikala at the battle of Venni. Women were engaged in basket Fisherwomen were involved in catching and selling fish and the extraction and selling of fish oil. Men and women living in coastal areas made and sold salt. The Akananuru mentions beautiful women of the seashore exchanging salt for paddy with peasant women. Women are also mentioned in connection with the making and selling of toddy made out of fermented rice. Garland making and flower selling were other occupations associated with women. Sangam poems often mention the chevilittai—foster mothers or wet nurses, who seem to have been closely associated with family members. The viraliyar were women bards and dancers belonging to the panar community of wandering minstrels. There are also references to kings employing women bodyguards.

PRIMARY SOURCES

A heroic death

Many said,

That old woman, the one whose veins show on her weak, dry arms where the flesh is hanging, whose stomach is flat as a lotus leaf, has a son who lost his nerve in battle and fled.

At that, she grew enraged and she said,

‘If he has run away in the thick of battle,

I will cut off these breasts from which he sucked,’ and, sword in hand, she turned over fallen corpses, groping her way on the red field.

Then she saw her son lying there in pieces and she rejoiced more than the day she bore him.

Purananuru 278: The song of Kakkaipatiniyar Nachchellaiyar. Note that this poem, with its graphic and startling glorification of a heroic death, was composed by a woman.

SOURCE Hart, 1979: 199

Sangam poetry shows the existence of a vibrant and sophisticated literary culture in ancient Tamilakam. A 2nd century CE inscription from Mannarkoil mentions the katikai. This term, derived from the Sanskrit ghatika, may refer to an assembly of learned persons, an institution of higher learning, or a place where such an assembly or institution was located.

Champakalakshmi (1975–76) identifes the ‘Sangam age’ with the last phase of the megalithic culture in the Tamil region. She further identifies the megalithic communities and their large agricultural settlements with the velir (chieftains) and the velala (peasantry) of the Sangam poems. She substantiates her argument with a correlation of the velir settlements known from literature with the megalithic sites. Apart from identifying such specific correlations, there is a broad correspondence between some of the cultural features reflected in Sangam poetry and that of megalithic sites of the far south. This includes a subsistence base consisting of agriculture, cattle rearing, and fishing; the use of iron; and a milieu in which warfare and weapons were important. The poems, like the megaliths, reflect a variety of modes of disposal of the dead. The hero stones of the poems can similarly be connected with the memorial stones of the megalithic tradition.

Philosophical Developments: Astika and Nastika Schools

The modern distinction between philosophy and religion is difficult to maintain with reference to ancient cultures. Indian philosophical traditions offered different explanations about the nature of reality and knowlege, but they usually also had a soteriological aspect (soteriology means a path to salvation or liberation) and many of them came to be eventually connected with one or other religious tradition. The indigenous term for philosophy is darshana, which literally means ‘view’. Another important term is anvikshiki, which literally means ‘looking at’, and eventually came to mean logical reasoning. Using a classificatory system from within the tradition, early Indian philosophical schools can be classified into astika and nastika. The astika schools accepted the

authority of the Vedas and comprised a number of schools that later came to be considered the six classical systems of Hindu philosophy. At the opposite end of the spectrum were the nastika schools, such as the Buddhist, Jaina, and Charvaka, which rejected the authority of the Vedas. The early history of Buddhism and Jainism was discussed in earlier chapters, and subsequent developments will be discussed further on in this chapter. Schools such as the Ajivikas continued to flourish during this period.

The Charvaka school was also known as Lokayata (literally ‘that which is found among people’). The tenets of the school are supposed to have been contained in a sutra composed by Brihaspati, but no such text has survived. Whatever we know about Charvaka is through references in texts of rival schools. Its followers rejected the authority of the Vedas and the Brahmanas. They questioned the efficacy of sacrifice. They argued, for instance, that if food offered to deceased ancestors could reach them, it should also be possible to transfer food long-distance in a similar manner to hungry travellers. Charvaka was an atheist school. It also rejected the ideas of an eternal soul, rebirth, and the laws of karma and punya (merit). Its materialist doctrine asserted that the body and consciousness were products of combinations of matter. Charvaka accepted only one basis of knowledge—that which is perceived by the senses. Rejecting the distinction between good and bad actions, the followers of Charvaka philosophy urged that the pleasures of life should be enjoyed—at least this is how their rival schools present their ideas.

Later texts refer to two Charvaka schools—Dhurtta and Sushikshita, but details are lacking. The former apparently held that only the four elements—earth, water, air, and fire—existed. They understood the body as composed of a combination of atoms and rejected the idea of a soul. Sushikshita Charvaka, on the other hand, accepted the idea of a soul that was distinct from the body. However, this soul was not eternal—it was destroyed when the body was destroyed.

The idea of the ‘six systems’ of the astika tradition is something that emerged much later, in the medieval period. These schools are often treated as three inter-related pairs—Purva Mimamsa and Uttara Mimamsa (or Vedanta), Nyaya and Vaisheshika, and Samkhya and Yoga. The origins of these systems lay in much earlier times, just how early is difficult to say. The cryptic sutra style of their early texts paved the way for many different interpretations and commentaries. These philosophical traditions refer to each other, often in order to refute rival claims. They reflect a context of philosophical debate among a small intelligentsia. The names of some of the authorities are known, but there is much that remains unknown about the debators, their audience, and their patrons.

Mimamsa means exegesis, i.e., explanation, and the school of this name was devoted to Vedic exegesis. It aimed at explaining Vedic texts from the point of view of the nature and goals of sacrificial rituals. Its earliest known important thinker was Jaimini, author of the Mimamsa Sutra, who lived in the 2nd century BCE. The Mimamsa school held the Vedas to be eternal and the authority on dharma. Jaimini understood Vedic ritual texts as embodiments of dharma in which sacrifice was central. He used the rules of language framed by grammarians in order to explain how statements in the Vedas were to be interpreted as injunctions related to sacrifice. This school came to be known as Purva Mimamsa in order to distinguish it from another school rooted in the Vedic tradition—Uttara Mimamsa or Vedanta. In early Mimamsa doctrine, the gods were irrelevant; it was the sacrifice that was central. Later Mimamsakas acknowledged the existence of a supreme god.

While Purva Mimamsa focused on sacrifical acts, Vedanta focused on knowledge and was based on an interpretation of the Upanishads. A key text was Badarayana’s Brahma Sutra or Vedanta Sutra, which belongs to about the same time as the Mimamsa Sutra. The aim of the Vedanta Sutra is to inquire into brahman, the central concept of the Upanishads. The text emphasized that all things were part of brahman. Both Mimamsa and Vedanta saw the Vedas as a valid source of knowledge whose authority could not be questioned. They laid the ground work of various views on the issues of the pramanas, i.e., the grounds of knowledge.

In self-conscious contrast to Mimamsa, Vedanta emphasized the path of knowledge (jnana) as opposed to that of works or sacrifice (karma). Arguing that the results of sacrifice were impermanent, while the object of knowledge (brahman) was eternal and unchanging, Vedantic schools, of which there are three principal variants (and many sub-variants), gave an account of brahman, the world, and the relation between the two. Vedantic cosmology is largely incorporated from the earlier Samkhya system. Because its principal and most influential variant, sometimes called ‘Shankara Vedanta’ after its founder, affirms the exclusive reality of brahman and relegates everything else to illusion, Vedanta texts had much to say about the nature of error. Like the other philosophical systems, Vedanta too was framed within a liberation theology; the ultimate aim of knowledge was moksha, i.e., liberation from samsara

The Vaisheshika Sutra of Uluka Kanada was written some time between the 2nd century BCE and 1st century CE. This text claimed to be concerned primarily with dharma. Describing dharma as that from which the highest good was achieved, it ascribed the authority of the Veda to the fact that it dealt with dharma. The philosophy of the Vaisheshika Sutra can be described as pluralistic realism. Vaisheshika comes from the word vishesha which means particularity, and the aim of the school was to investigate the particularities of the pluralities of things that exist in the world. This school identified seven fundamental categories (padarthas) of things that exist—substance, quality, action, universality, particularity, a relation of inherence, and absence or negation. The category of substance was further divided into nine types of atoms—earth, water, fire, air, ether, space, time, self, and mind. The first four are material and the rest are immaterial. In each individual, there is only one mind atom associated with a single self atom. All atoms, whether material or immaterial, are considered eternal and indestructible. These atoms join together in different combinations to produce the various things we see in the world around us. The Vaisheshika explanation of reality also identifies 17–24 kinds of qualities and five kinds of actions that are associated with substances. Qualities and substances are considered inseparable. An example is that of a red rose—just as the rose cannot exist without its quality of redness, its redness cannot exist independent of the rose.

Vaisheshika was closely associated with Nyaya, a school concerned primarily with logic and epistemology (a theory concerning the nature and bases of knowledge). Nyaya ascribes its own origins to a person named Akshapada Gotama, who is supposed to have lived in the 3rd century BCE. However, the Nyaya Sutra ascribed to him does not seem to be older than the 1st century CE. Nyaya took over many of the Vaisheshika ideas and added to them. It laid down a formal method of reasoning to establish the correctness of the Vaisheshika pluralistic explanation of reality. It also claimed that true knowledge gained through Vaisheshika could lead to liberation.

According to the Nyaya system, something should be inquired into only if there was some doubt about it, if there was some possibility of arriving at a definite conclusion, and if such an inquiry contributed to liberation from the cycle of rebirth. It also stipulated that there should be some

observable data that could be used in the investigation. There are five stages in the Nyaya method of argument—a statement of the thesis that is to be proved; a statement of the reason for the thesis; an example that acts as a rule that can be used to support the thesis; connecting this rule to the thesis; and a restatement of the thesis which has been proved. An example of these five stages given in the Nyaya Sutra is as follows: (a) There is fire on the hill; (b) We can say this because there is smoke there; (c) Where there is smoke, there is fire; (d) There is smoke, which is associated with fire, on the hill; (e) Therefore, there is fire on the hill. The Nyaya system of logic attached importance to perception, reasoning, and inference.

The Samkhya Karika ascribed to Ishvarakrishna belongs to the mid-4th or mid-5th century CE. However, Samkhya was a very old philosophical system that went back at least to the time of the Upanishads. Kapila is described as the legendary founder of the school. Samkhya has a detailed ontology (a theory of being) and epistemology. It holds that the world we see around us really exists. Two fundamental categories in Samkhya thought are purusha (the spiritual principle) and prakriti (matter or nature). There are supposed to be many purushas, all of them eternal, unchanging, passive, and conscious witnesses. Prakriti, on the other hand, is eternal and unchanging, but also active and unconscious. It has three gunas or qualities—sattva (goodness), rajas (energy or passion), and tamas (darkness or inertia). The relationship between purusha and prakriti is described as similar to a passive observer watching a dancer. Liberation consists of the purusha realizing its distinction from prakriti. The Samkhya system also talks of other categories such as buddhi (will and the discriminating faculty), ahamkara (I-ness, the ego), and mind. Samkhya considers perception and reliable testimony as valid bases of knowledge, and attaches a great deal of importance to inference.

PRIMARY SOURCES

The Bhagavad Gita

The Bhagavad Gita (The Song of the Lord) is an important philosophical and religious text of this period. The Gita forms the third episode in the Bhishma Parva of the Mahabharata and presents itself as the revelation made by the god Krishna to Arjuna on the eve of the Mahabharata battle. It is generally seen as a later interpolation into the Mahabharata and assigned to c. 200 BCE.

This text reflects a new age looking back at an older time. The celebration of war has turned to a sombre reflection on its meaning and consequences. There is also a new notion of god—an all-powerful being, who can lead those who take refuge in him to liberation from the cycle of rebirth, one who descends to earth when people need him, and one with whom bhaktas (devotees) can bond in a close, personal relationship.

The Gita is a philosophically very rich and complex text. It draws on and reflects strands of many different philosophical ideas—such as yoga, moksha, karma, and renunciation—and casts them into something new. It emphasizes the importance of fulfilling varnashrama dharma. It talks of the imperishable atman and the irrelevance of death. Its exhortation of karma yoga

advocates the renunciation not of acts but of their fruits; i.e., actions should be performed with no regard to their fruits or consequences. Given below is an excerpt from Krishna’s discourse to Arjuna:

The Lord said:

You sorrow over men you should not be sorry for, and yet you speak to sage issues. The wise are not sorry for either the living or the dead. Never was there a time when I did not exist, or you, or those kings, nor shall any of us cease to exist hereafter. Just as creatures with bodies pass through childhood, youth, and old age in their bodies, so there is a passage to another body, and a wise man is not confused about it. The contacts of the senses with their objects, which produce sensations of cold and heat, comfort and discomfort, come and go without staying, Kaunteya. Endure them, Bharata. The wise man whom they do not trouble, for whom happiness and unhappiness are the same, is fit for immortality.

There is no becoming of what does not already exist, there is no unbecoming of what does exist: those who see the principles see the boundary between the two. But know that that on which all this world is strung is imperishable: no one can bring about the destruction of this indestructible. What ends of this unending embodied, indestructible, and immeasurable being is just its bodies —there fore fight, Bharata! He who thinks that this being is a killer and he who imagines that it is killed do neither of them know. It is not killed nor does it kill.

It is never born nor does it die;

Nor once that it is will it ever not be; Unborn, unending, eternal, and ancient It is not killed when the body is killed.

The man who knows him for what he is—indestructible, eternal, unborn, and without end—how does he kill whom or have whom killed, Partha?

As a man discards his worn-out clothes

And puts on different ones that are new,

So the one in the body discards aged bodies

And joins with other ones that are new.

Swords do not cut him, fire does not burn him, water does not wet him, wind does not parch him. He cannot be cut, he cannot be burned, wetted, or parched, for he is eternal, ubiquitous, stable, unmoving, and forever. He is the unmanifest, beyond thought, he is said to be beyond transformation; therefore if you know him as such, you have no cause for grief.

SOURCE Bhagavad Gita 24[2].10–25; van Buitenan, 1981: 75–77

Yoga was another ancient system of thought and practice. The author of the Yoga Sutras is unknown, though this text came to be attributed to Patanjali. The Yoga Sutras are a manual of yogic practice. They describe the eight stages of yoga, five of which deal with training the body and the rest with perfecting the self, leading to the acquisition of siddhis (signs of success). At the very outset, the Yoga Sutras state that their aim is cessation of the activites of the mind (chitta-vritti-

nirodha). These activites include valid cognition, misconception, conceptualization, sleep, and memory. The aim is to focus the mind in such a way as to achieve complete tranquility and control. This is expressed in terms of distinguishing the ‘seer’ or higher self, known as purusha, from that which is seen or manifest, which is known as prakriti.

Looking at the History of Religions beyond the Framework of ‘isms’

In the realms of religious doctrines and practices, the period c. 200 BCE to 300 CE reflects several continuities with the earlier centuries, but also some striking new developments. One of the most important of these was the beginning of new devotional practices within Buddhism and Jainsim and the emergence of what can be termed early Hinduism. New forms of worship were accompanied by new liturgies and mythologies. Religious teachers, saints, gods, and goddesses were worshipped or venerated in the form of images within the context of religious shrines. A shrine is basically a demarcated sacred space, and such demarcations must have existed in much earlier times. In this period, however, the construction of stone shrines gave such structures greater permanence and prominence than their earlier counterparts. A shrine was not only a sacred space, it was also an important social space within which people participated in community worship or veneration and interacted with each other. Patronage of shrines was an act of piety as well as a validation of social, and sometimes political, status.

The history of religions is usually constructed on the basis of frameworks provided by religious texts, which are not always accurately reflective of popular practice. Apart from their elite authorship and normative nature, some of these texts are difficult to date. The beliefs and practices they mention often have earlier beginnings. Further, dominant religious traditions usually try to marginalize or ignore other traditions and therefore often give a distorted idea of their significance. We have already seen this in the case of the Ajivika sect, which, notwithstanding all the criticism of its ideas and leaders in Buddhist and Jaina texts, was clearly influential in many parts of the subcontinent across many centuries.

Further, religious texts do not always clearly reflect regional or local variations in practices, and there are some widely prevalent practices that they do not mention at all. For all these reasons, although texts are extremely valuable sources for the history of religions, they have to be looked at along with evidence from archaeology, inscriptions, and coins.

When studying the history of different religions or sects separately, little attention is often paid to their contemporaneity and interaction. Studies of pilgrimage sites in India contain innumerable examples of places that are considered sacred for different reasons by different religious communities. The interconnections and interactions between and among different religious traditions at the ground level also emerge clearly when we look at the archaeological evidence from specific sites, areas, and regions. The sculptural motifs associated with ancient religious establishments reveal the existence of a shared pool of auspicious symbols. Their shrines reflect shared architectural styles that cut across sectarian differences. All this is not surprising, as these traditions and their adherents shared a common cultural space. We will also see that there are several religious practices that were not specifically associated with a specific religious tradition but were an enduring feature of popular religion over many centuries. At the same time, the relationship between different religions or cults could also take the form of competition and conflict.

A few examples of the multiple interlocking religious layers at many places can be given here. The Mathura region, which is strongly associated with the legend and worship of Krishna, had a very variegated religious landscape between c. 200 BCE and 300 CE (Singh, 2004a). This is evident from the great variety of sculptures, structural remains, and inscriptions that have been found here. For instance, the Katra was the site of a Buddhist vihara, the Jamalpur mound was the site of a Buddhist establishment and of a shrine of the naga deity Dadhikarna, while a Jaina establishment stood on the Kankali Tila. In South India, the site of Nagarjunakonda in Guntur district, Andhra Pradesh, which today lies submerged in the waters of the Nagarjunasagar dam, offers another dramatic example of the heterogeneity of the religious landscape. Here, there were over 30 ancient Buddhist establishments and 19 Hindu temples, as well as some medieval Jaina shrines. Similarly, Rima Hooja’s study (2004) of early Hinduism in Rajasthan highlights that the evidence from sites such as Bairat, Nagari, Rairh, Nagar, Sambhar, and Rang Mahal reflects the co-existence of various belief systems and sects in the region during this as well as later periods.

THE WORSHIP OF YAKSHAS AND YAKSHIS, NAGAS AND NAGIS

Ananda K. Coomaraswamy ([1928–31], 1980: 36) argued persuasively that the worship of yakshas, yakshis, nagas, nagis, and goddesses was the natural source of the devotional (bhakti) elements that became so pervasive in Indian religions. He also argued that the worship of yakshas and yakshis implied temples, puja (devotional worhip with offerings), and a cult. Yakshas were deities connected with water, fertility, trees, the forest, and the wilderness. The evidence of literature and sculpture graphically illustrates the metamorphosis of the yaksha from a benevolent, powerful deity who was the focus of exclusive worship to a terrifying, demonic creature, reduced to the position of a subsidiary attendant figure associated more with fertility than with wealth (see Sutherland, 1992; Misra, [1979], 1981). Yakshis or yakshinis, the female counterpart of yakshas, were originally benign deities connected with fertility. Many of the shalabhanjikas—a generic term for sensuous sculptural representations of women grasping the branch of a tree—found in diverse religious establishments across the subcontinent, were actually yakshis. Yakshas and yakshis appear often in Brahmanical, Buddhist, and Jaina texts, generally as demonic and frightening creatures. Their worship was eventually absorbed into and marginalized by the dominant religious traditions, but the frequent references to them shows just how popular and widespread this worship once was.

It is difficult to estimate the antiquity of the cults of the yakshas and yakshis. However, during c. 300 BCE–200 CE, they were still an important part of the religious landscape. These cults are often described as minor, rural folk cults, but the evidence indicates otherwise. The many imposing stone images of yakshas and yakshis from Mathura and elsewhere were evidently products of urban workshops produced for urban clients. They reflect the existence of iconographic conventions and community worship in shrines. Yaksha figures found at Besnagar and Pawaya in Madhya Pradesh hold a money bag in their left hand, indicating their connection with wealth. Mention was made in the previous chapter to the colossal figure of yaksha Manibhadra found at Parkham near Mathura. Literary and epigraphic evidence indicates that Manibhadra was a tutelary deity of merchants and travellers, especially worshipped in important trading centres.

YAKSHA RISHYASHRINGA, CHAUBARA MOUND, MATHURA

The worship of female deities associated with fertility and childbirth, considered protectresses of children with the power to ward off disease, is an important aspect of popular religious practice all over India today. In the early historical period, such functions were associated with yakshis. Collosal stone images of yakshis of this period have been found at many places. While the large stone statues of yakshas and yakshis indicate the prevalence of community worship in the public domain, the many smaller stone and terracotta images indicate that they were worshipped in a private, domestic context as well. In the Mathura area, colossal images of yakshas and yakshis disappear around the turn of the millennium, but the small statues are still found in large numbers, indicating their continuing importance as objects of worship in the domestic sphere.

The worship of serpents—nagas and nagis (or naginis)—was another important aspect of religious worship that cut across religious boundaries. The nagas and nagis were associated with

water and fertility. Like the yakshas and yakshis, they too were originally the focus of exclusive worship, but were in course of time absorbed into the dominant religions. Colossal naga figures belonging to the early centuries CE have been found in many places. Their imposing nature and the technical finesse of their carving make it amply clear that they do not represent a simple folk or village cult. One of the most impressive of these is a seven-hooded naga image found at Mathura with an inscription that places it in the early 2nd century CE. An inscription found at the Jamalpur mound at Mathura indicates that a shrine dedicated to Dadhikarna, lord of the nagas, once stood here, and records a gift made in its favour by the Chhandaka brothers who belonged to a family of stone masons of Mathura.

Evidence of the importance of the naga cult comes from the remains of an elaborate brick and stone naga temple (Apsidal temple no. 2) at Sonkh near Mathura. The structural phases of this temple ranged from the beginnings of the 1st century BCE to the 2nd century CE.

Remains of a naga temple, the earliest structural phase of which seems to belong to the 2nd/1st century BCE, were also found at Maniyar Math near Rajagriha. Large numbers of naga images occur everywhere in the subcontinent. For instance, in the central Dec-can, Peddabankur and Kotalingala have not given any evidence of Hindu/Brahmanical temples or sculptures, but have yielded many yaksha and naga figurines as well as female figurines of possible cultic significance. Special reference may be made to an iron figurine of a snake found at Peddabankur. We can also note the fact that many people and villages mentioned in inscriptions were named after nagas and yakshas.

Like the yakshas and yakshis, the nagas and nagis were gradually dethroned from their position of importance as major foci of worship in the urban, public domain, but their worship continued to be important, as is evident from small stone and terracotta statuettes. The story of Krishna subduing Kaliya naga can be interpreted as an allegorical reference to the ultimate victory of Vishnuism over the once very popular naga cult.

MATHURA: SANDSTONE NAGARAJA FROM CHHARGAON

GODDESSES, VOTIVE TANKS, AND SHRINES

The discovery of female terracotta images from various sites from prehistoric times onwards has been discussed in earlier chapters. Whether or not these had a cultic or religious significance involves subjective judgement, and apart from their appearance and attributes, the context in which they are found is crucial. Where cultic significance is suggested, the context may help explain whether such images were objects of worship, votive offerings, or part of the paraphernalia of domestic rituals. As mentioned in an earlier chapter, the label ‘goddess’ or ‘mother goddess’ shelters a number of distinct and different goddesses, most of whose names we do not know. Not all of them necessarily had maternal attributes. Ancient goddesses were variously invoked for fertility, prosperity, childbirth, the safeguarding of children, and protection against disease.

TERRACOTTA FIGURINE

The worship of goddesses during c. 200 BCE–300 CE is evident from archaeological evidence from many sites. For instance, in the Mathura area, a number of goddess figurines have been found in stratigraphic contexts in the course of excavations. These first appear in Period II (late 4th–2nd centuries BCE). The ‘goddess’ figurines of the succeeding centuries display greater stylistic refinement, technical innovations, and an increase in number and variety. They usually have prominent breasts and broad hips, and wear ornaments such as appliqué necklaces, bracelets, earrings, and girdles. Some are crowned by a profusion of rosettes, while others have more elaborate headdresses consisting of a mass of conical sprouts or grass blades encircled by a cluster of cactus-like plants.

Female figurines are sometimes associated with terracotta artefacts that are referred to in archaeological literature as votive tanks and shrines. These have been reported from many sites in the subcontinent, from Taxila in the north-west to Chirand in the east and Kolhapur in the south, in contexts ranging from the 3rd century BCE to the 3rd century CE. At Sonkh near Mathura, on the other hand, they were found from 3rd century BCE levels right up to medieval levels, showing that such objects were part of the paraphernalia of domestic rituals for over 1,000 years. The Sonkh excavations yielded 266 fragments of such tanks or shrines (Hartel, 1993: 195 ff.). The majority belonged to Period III (late 2nd–late 1st centuries BCE). These artefacts vary in shape and size, and are associated with one or more of the following features: lamp-cups and/or birds and lamps on their rim; houses built around a courtyard structure, or a structure (probably a shrine) raised on a platform supported with pillars and approached by a staircase or ladder; a lotus plant standing upright in the tank; figures of a snake, frog, or fish at the base of the ‘tank’; female figures seated along the wall, carrying a child in their arm and a bowl in their lap. Most of the terracotta tanks and shrines were evidently supposed to be filled with water. The votive shrines can also be seen as miniature representations of popular shrines, apparently connected with the worship of goddesses and nagas.

VEDIC RITUALS

During c. 200 BCE–300 CE, there are several indications of the continuing importance of Vedic rituals. Rulers like Pushyamitra Shunga and certain Satavahana and Ikshvaku kings claimed to have performed Vedic sacrifices. Sacrificial posts (yupas) are depicted on some coins. A Yaudheya coin found in excavations at Sambhar has on its obverse a bull standing in front of a yupa enclosed in a railing. Copper coins of the Arjunayanas depict a similar scene. A clay seal from Sambhar shows a yupa in a railing, with the name of a person written in Brahmi letters of the 2nd century BCE. From the 3rd century CE onwards, there are a number of Sanskrit inscriptions inscribed on stone yupas (stone representations of wooden sacrificial posts) from various parts of Rajasthan. An early inscription from Nagari refers to the ashvamedha yajna performed at this place by a person named Sarvatata of the Parashara gotra.

Excavations at Mathura revealed pits containing ash, animal bones, and pottery in some residential structures, which may represent remains of the performance of sacrifices. More definite and dramatic evidence comes from Isapur (in Mathura) on the left bank of the Yamuna. Here, two stone yupas were discovered, both carved with a girdle rope with a noose at the end, representing the rope to which the sacrificial animal was tied. A Sanskrit inscription on one of the pillars (dated in year 24 of the reign of the Kushana king Vasishka) states that the pillar was set up by a Brahmana named Dronala while performing a 12-night sattra (sacrifice). They are suggestive of a grand sacrifice and a yajamana who had considerable resources.

As mentioned earlier, excavations outside the eastern gate of Kaushambi yielded remains of a brick altar in the shape of an eagle flying to the southeast, along with animal and human bones, including a skull. G. R. Sharma (1960) suggested that these were the remains of a performance of the purushamedha (human sacrifice). At Purola in Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand, archaeologists discovered a burnt brick structure in the shape of a garuda with its head towards the east and tail towards the west. This may have been an altar for Vedic rituals, belonging to the 2nd century BCE– 1st century CE. Jagatgrama near Kalsi in Uttarakhand revealed inscriptions mentioning the performance of several ashvamedha sacrifices by a king named Shilavarman. The remains of brick altars used in the course of these sacrifices were also found.

TERRACOTTA TANK

A very interesting discovery comes from the site of Sanghol in Ludhiana district, Punjab. Excavations in the south-eastern part of a large mound in the village revealed a religious complex containing a number of fire altars (havan-kundas), belonging to the early centuries CE. The complex consisted of about a dozen rectangular and squarish cistern-like pits built close together next to a rectangular platform of burnt brick. The material found inside these pits included ash, loose soil, wood charcoal, charred grains, seeds, and fruit remains. Several seals and sealings inscribed with motifs and Brahmi inscriptions were also found in the area. K. S. Saraswat and A. K. Pokharia (1997–98) analysed the botanical remains. Their analysis revealed seven types of grains including rice, barley, wheat, moong, urad, masoor, and til. The remains of wild and cultivated fruits were also found—jujube, date, almond, raisin, chilgoza, pistachio-nut, and gular fig. Remains of plants with medicinal properties—anwala, haritaki, jaiphal, holy basil (tulsi), black pepper, and phok (Ephedra) were also found. There were also a few nuts of Cyperus sedge, which is considered sacred in rituals. The wood of pipal, gular, palash, kaith, tamal, deodar, and chandan were identified. These were evidently used as fuel in the sacrifice.

Clearly, Vedic sacrifices continued to have an importance during the period c. 200 BCE–200 CE. Among other things, they formed one of several bases of political legitimation for rulers. However, at the level of popular practice, there was a marked shift away from a sacrifice-centred religion.

PURANIC HINDUISM

The English word ‘Hinduism’ is a fairly recent one and was first used by Raja Ram Mohun Roy in 1816–17. As mentioned in the Introduction, the word ‘Hindu’ is older and is derived from the Sindhu (Indus) river. It was originally a geographical term, used in ancient Persian inscriptions to refer to the lands beyond the Sindhu river. In the course of the medieval period, the term came to acquire a religious–cultural meaning. Modern-day Hinduism differs from other major world religions in many important respects, in that it has no founder, no fixed canon which embodies its major beliefs and practices, and no organized priesthood. It is also marked by a great variety in beliefs, practices, sects, and traditions. Some scholars argue that Hinduism is not so much a religion as a set of sociocultural practices; others argue that it is inextricably linked to the existence of caste, and still others hold that we should talk of Hindu religions in the plural rather than the singular. The relative newness of the word, the problems of definition, and the existence of much internal diversity, are not sufficient reasons to avoid the use of the term Hinduism (see Lorenzen [1999], 2006).

During the period c. 200 BCE–300 CE, there is evidence from a variety of sources of certain devotional practices that can be associated with Hinduism. This was the formative phase in the evolution of early Hindu pantheons. Some of the deities who became the foci of worship in this period are known from Vedic literature. However, during these centuries, they emerged as foci of devotion, as powerful supreme deities, whose images were installed and worshipped in temples and homes.

The beginning of the theistic trends that came to the fore in this period can be traced to the later Upanishads. However, the process is more clearly visible in the Mahabharata and Ramayana. The new religiosity of devotion is also reflected in the Bhagavad Gita and the Puranas. Apart from textual sources, archaeological sites, sculptures, coins, and inscriptions give important data, which in some cases indicates earlier beginnings than suggested by texts.

Certain early textual references to devotional practices include the mention in the Baudhayana Grihyasutra (2.3.13) of the worship of images of deities in connection with the ceremony of the first outing of a newborn child from the house. The Gautama Dharmasutra (9. 12–13, 45) alludes to images of the gods in the context of rules for a person who has just entered the householder stage. Patanjali’s Mahabhashya mentions images of the deities Shiva, Skanda, and Vishakha. The Arthashastra (2.4.17, II.4.19) recommends that the temple dedicated to the guardian deity and the family deity of the king should be located in the centre of the city. It also advocates the building of temples dedicated to the deities of the four quarters at the four city gates. This text mentions shrines for the tutelary gods of various groups of people (2.5.6, II.4.18) as well as in storehouses. There is also mention (4.10.16) of temple property, including images, crops, cattle, slaves, fields, houses, money, gold, and coins.

The earliest inscriptional references to and archaeological remains of Hindu temples belong to c. 200 BCE–300 CE. Reference was made earlier to the Besnagar pillar inscription of Heliodorus, which records the installation of a pillar associated with a Vishnu temple and the remains of the foundations of a temple nearby. A 2nd century Nagari inscription mentions a temple of Samkarshana and Vasudeva. The remains of a temple dedicated to the Matrikas (the Seven Mothers) at Sonkh, a Lakshmi temple at Atranjikhera, a Shaiva temple at Gudimallam, and temples dedicated to Vishnu and Shiva at Nagarjunakonda can be considered to be among the earliest vestiges of Hindu temples in the subcontinent.

Stone and terracotta sculptures from sites such as Mathura clearly indicate that the popular cults of the yakshas and yakshis, nagas and nagis were gradually being pushed to the margins by the gods and goddesses of the Brahmanical tradition. The most influential of the newly emerging cults were associated with the worship of the gods Shiva and Vishnu and the goddess Durga.

Although the period c. 200 BCE–300 CE witnessed the development of sectarian cults that considered a particular god or goddess as a supreme deity, there was also a parallel process which visualized the Hindu gods as closely related and performing complementary functions. This is evident, for instance, in the idea of the triad of Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva, present in the Mahabharata and more clearly developed in the Puranas. In this triad, Brahma is associated with the creation of the world, Vishnu with its preservation, and Shiva its destruction. The three gods are also associated with different principles, from which arises their division of labour—Brahma is associated with rajas (the creative, active principle), Vishnu with sattva (the unattached, passive principle), and Shiva with tamas (the dark, fierce principle). In some places in the Puranas, the gods operate in their respective spheres according to this division of labour, in others they are described as manifestations of the same divine being.

The acknowledgement of other gods and their being considered worthy of respect is also evident from the fact that shrines dedicated to one deity often have sculptural representations of other deities as well. Polytheism simply refers to a belief in many gods, but monolatory means the belief in a supreme god without denying the existence of other gods. It is the latter term that best describes emergent Hinduism.

SHIVAISM

It has been suggested on the basis of the so-called Pashupati seal that the roots of Shiva worship may go back to the Harappan civilization. In the Rig Veda, the word shiva (auspicious) occurs, but not as

the name of a god. On the other hand, there is a god named Rudra, who is mentioned infrequently and whose description as a fierce and feared god bears striking resemblance to that of Shiva of later Hindu mythology. Later Vedic literature contains many references to a god known variously as Shiva, Rudra, Ishana, Mahadeva, Maheshvara, Bhava, Pashupati, and Sharva. The Shatarudriya hymn in the Vajasaneyi Samhita addressed to Rudra-Shiva, describes him as a powerful but fierce god. Elsewhere in later Vedic texts, he is associated with snakes, poison, and cremation grounds. The Shvetashvatara Upanishad hails him as lord of all gods, the god of destruction, and as one who grants ultimate release. Several names of Shiva are mentioned in the Ashtadhyayi.

Some historians have suggested that the Sibae, who are described in Graeco-Roman accounts as living in the Punjab during the time of Alexander’s invasion, may have been worshippers of Shiva. The Mahabhashya mentions Rudra-Shiva as a deity connected with medicinal herbs and one who is offered animal sacrifices. It also refers to the Shiva-bhagavatas who carried iron lances and wore animal hides. The Pashupata sect seems to have been the earliest Shaiva sect and had ascetic and mystic associations. The Linga Purana and later inscriptions attribute the establishment of this sect to Lakulin or Nakulin. However, other texts attribute the founding of the sect to Shrikantha.

The multiplicity of Shiva’s forms and his various aspects and exploits are encapsulated in some of his Puranic epithets. To mention just a few, Shiva is Chandrashekhara (the god who has the crescent moon in his hair), Gangadhara (supporter of the Ganga), Vaidyanatha (lord of physicians), Kalasamhara (the destroyer of time), Pashupati (lord of animals), and Shankara (the beneficient). One of the most interesting manifestations of Shiva is as Ardhanarishvara—the god who is half woman. These various forms of the deity are described in the Puranas and are depicted in sculpture.

Shiva is today most popularly worshipped in temples in his linga (phallic) form which represents male procreative energy and power. The origins of phallic worship in the Indian subcontinent seem to go back to Harappan times. The Rig Veda refers disapprovingly to people who worship the phallus (shishnadevas). During c. 200 BCE–200 CE, the cult came to be connected with the worship of Shiva. The worship of the female creative aspect, represented by the yoni, was amalagamated into this phallic cult. The Puranas give the story of the origin of the linga (lingodbhava). The Ramayana refers to Ravana worshipping Rudra in the linga form. The Mahabharata states that the sages and gods have always worshipped the linga.

Sculptural representations of stone Shiva lingas appear in the 2nd century BCE. One of the earliest representations is a c. 2nd century BCE architectural fragment found at Bhuteshwar in Mathura. This shows a linga on a platform under a pipal tree encircled by a railing, being worshipped by two winged creatures. Mukha-lingas—lingas with one or more faces of the god carved on them—also became popular in this period. The combination of the anthropomorphic and linga form (mukha-lingas and vigraha-lingas) also appeared. A 2nd/1st century BCE linga found at Gudimallam village in Andhra Pradesh has the figure of Shiva carved on it. Anthropomorphic Shiva images of the 1st and 2nd centuries CE indicate an already diverse iconographic base.

Phallic emblems occur on certain coins of Taxila and Ujjain. Some Ujjain coins have Shiva and a bull on the obverse and the phallic emblem in front of a tree on the reverse. Coins of the Kushana king Vima Kadphises have representations of Shiva, the bull, and the trident. The popularity of the worship of Karttikeya, the son of Shiva, is reflected in his depiction on punch-marked coins and on coins of the Yaudheyas. Mention may also be made of a gold piece of about this period, depicting the

Shaiva bull emblem on the obverse; the reverse shows the god’s consort Amba holding a flower, with a legend describing her as the deity of the city of Pushkalavati.

The fierce and strange nature of Shiva is described in the story of Daksha’s sacrifice, narrated in the epics and the Bhagavata Purana: Shiva’s father-in-law Daksha invited the gods to attend a great sacrifice but did not include Shiva in the guest list on account of his unconventional appearance and behaviour. Sati, Shiva’s wife, attended the sacrifice but killed herself in grief when her father reviled her husband. Shiva was enraged, and destroyed the sacrifice. The Bhagavata Purana gives Daksha’s description of Shiva to Sati—as roaming in the cremation grounds with ghouls as his attendants, wearing bones and garlands of skulls, and bathing in the ashes of funeral pyres (Banerjea, 1966: 84).

Shiva is a god who combined in himself the aspects of asceticism and fertility (see O’Flaherty, 1973). The god’s tapas is described as generating great heat that threatens the world, as does his sexual activity. On the one hand, there are Puranic stories which describe how the gods sent down Parvati and Kama in order to move Shiva from chastity to fertility. On the other hand, there are myths which narrate how Agni had to intervene to interrupt Shiva and Parvati’s love making in order to move the god from fertility to chastity. Mythology allows for the combination of extremes and contradictions.

The northern gods Shiva and Vishnu are known to the Sangam literature of Tami-lakam. The Akananuru refers to Shiva as the three-eyed god who wears the konrai flowers, bears the cresecent moon on his matted locks, and has Uma as his consort. The poet Nakkirar compares a Pandya king with Shiva, Vishnu, Balarama, and Subrahmanya (Karttikeya). He refers to Shiva as Kurram, god of death and destruction. Murugan, an important god of South India, became part of Shiva’s family and was identified with his son Skanda-Karttikeya. One of the temples at Nagarjunakonda was evidently dedicated to Karttikeya.

RELIEF SHOWING WINGED CREATURES WORSHIPPING LINGA, MATHURA

THE FORMATION OF THE VAISHNAVA PANTHEON

The Rig Veda contains five hymns addressed to Vishnu. He is grouped with the solar deities and described as a powerful god living in the mountains. The Vedas mention his three great strides

whereby he encompassed the universe. Later Vedic texts such as the Taittiriya Samhita and Shatapatha Brahmana connect him with the dwarf (the dwarf is associated with extradordinary cleverness and spiritual attainment) and the earth.

The history of Vishnuism involved the gradual coming together of the initially independent cults of various deities such as Narayana, Vasudeva Krishna, Shri, and Lakshmi (Jaiswal [1967], 1981). The importance given to Vishnu seems to have been a later development that took place at the stage when the Brahmanization of these cults was established. The details of the historical processes underlying these associations, amalgamations, and hierarchies are not entirely clear. The term ‘Vaishnava’ as an epithet of a worshipper of Vishnu occurs in the later portions of the Mahabharata.

The cult of Narayana was one of the important elements eventually absorbed into Vishnuism. Some scholars have suggested that Narayana was originally a non-Vedic god. He is mentioned in the Rig Veda and Shatapatha Brahmana. He is associated with a five-day sacrifice called the pancharatra sattra, through the performance of which he is supposed to have attained superiority over all beings and identity with them. This god also seems to have been associated with asceticism. The Mahabharata calls him a great yogi and identifies him with Vishnu. This text in fact refers to the god more often as Narayana than Vishnu. One of the impressive early images of Narayana is a colossal image found at Mathura.

The worship of Vasudeva Krishna seems to have originated in the Mathura region. The Ashtadhyayi explains the word Vasudevaka as one whose object of bhakti is Vasudeva. This is the earliest reference to devotion to Vasudeva, although the precise meaning of bhakti in this context is uncertain. Megasthenes states that the Sourasenoi, who lived in the Mathura region, worshipped Herakles, by which he must have meant Vasudeva Krishna, who was the Indian god bearing the closest resemblance to the Greek god Herakles.

The complex character and varied associations of Vasudeva Krishna suggest that his mythology consists of an amalgamation of originally separate strands and traditions. The Chhandogya Upanishad mentions a sage named Krishna Devakiputra (son of Devaki), pupil of rishi Ghora Angirasa. In the Mahabharata, Vasudeva Krishna is the ally and adviser of the Pandavas. In the Bhagavad Gita, he drives Arjuna’s chariot, convinces him that it is his dharma to fight the battle, and reveals himself as an avatara (incarnation) of Vishnu. The first detailed account of Krishna’s life story occurs in the Harivamsha, an appendix to the Mahabharata. This narrates Krishna’s birth, his life with his foster parents Nanda and Yashoda in Vrindavana, and his conflict with his wicked uncle Kamsa. Puranas such as the Vishnu, Padma, Brahmavaivarta, and Bhagavata provide further details of Krishna’s life in Vrindavana. Krishna’s association with Radha came to the fore much later, in the 11th–12th centuries. Radha is not mentioned in the 10th century Bhagavata Purana. On the other hand, the 12th century Gita Govinda of Jayadeva celebrates the love of Radha and Krishna.

It is possible that the core of the legends that were eventually associated with Va-sudeva Krishna grew around a historical figure belonging to the Vrishni clan, living in the Mathura area. Vasudeva Krishna was one of five heroes (pancha-vira) worshipped by the Vrishnis of the Mathura area— Samkarshana (also known as Baladeva or Balarama, son of Vasudeva by Rohini), Vasudeva (son of Vasudeva by Devaki), Pradyumna (son of Vasudeva by Rukmini), Samba (son of Vasudeva by Jambavati), and Aniruddha (son of Pradyumna). Many ‘kinship triads’ depicting Vasudeva Krishna, his brother Baladeva, and their sister Ekanamsha, stylistically dated to the early centuries CE, have been found in the Mathura area. The relative size of the figures shows that Baladeva was initially

considered more important than Krishna. An inscription found at Mora in Mathura district refers to the installation of images of the five heroes by a woman named Tosha during the reign of Shodasa (i.e., the late 1st century BCE–early 1st century CE). Fragmentary sculptures of two male figures discovered at the site may represent two of the images mentioned in the inscription. Another image, possibly originally from Mora, inscribed on a door jamb and belonging to the reign of Shodasa, refers to a torana (gateway) and vedika (railing) which formed part of a maha-sthana (large temple) of Vasudeva.

The fact that the worship of Vasudeva Krishna swiftly spread beyond the Mathura region is indicated by epigraphic evidence. The Besnagar pillar inscription describes Heliodorus, Greek ambassador to the Shunga court, as a bhagavata, i.e., a worshipper of lord Vasudeva Krishna. A 2nd century BCE inscription found at Nagari in Rajasthan mentions a temple of Samkarshana and Vasudeva. A 1st century BCE inscription from Gosundi in Chittorgarh district of Rajasthan records the construction of a stone enclosure for the place of worship (puja-shila-prakara) in honour of Samkarshana and Balarama by a person who is described as a bhagavata and a performer of the ashvamedha sacrifice.

In the early centuries CE, there was a dramatic increase in the number and variety of Vaishnava images produced in the Mathura area. Representations of Vasudeva Krishna are the most numerous, but there are also a large number of small stone statuettes of Vishnu (usually four-armed), Vishnu on garuda, and Vishnu in the form of a partly anthropomorphic Varaha (boar) form. We may also note the fact that 2nd century BCE coins of the Indo-Greek king Agathocles found at Aï-Khanoum in Afghanistan depict Krishna and Balarama.

PRIMARY SOURCES

Krishna and Balarama on Agathocles’ coins

The coins found at Aï-Khanoum included 6 drachms of a coin type of the Indo-Greek king Agathocles. The die-struck silver coins have an irregular square shape. Their weight range (between 2.328 and 3.305 gm) is similar to that of Indian punch-marked coins.

The obverse and reverse of these coins bear images of male figures. The figures on both sides have a long oval face and large round eyes. They stand in an identical pose—in a frontal postion with their legs slightly apart, their feet turning outwards on a horizontal plane. They wear what has been described as a loincloth, but which looks more like a thick pleated skirt. An upper garment or shawl falls from their shoulders, covering the waist and leaving the chest bare. They wear large hooped earrings. A large scabbard is attached to the left side of their waist. Their

heavy shoes have long pointed toes that curl backwards. Their helmet-shaped headdress has a stem with a plume billowing out like a wide canopy on top, and two ends of a ribbon billowing out below.

What is most striking about these figures are the attributes that differentiate them. The figure on the obverse holds a miniature plough in his left hand, identifying him as Balarama, who is also known as Haladhara (wielder of the plough). In his right hand, he holds up a pestle (musala). The figure on the reverse holds a large, six-spoked wheel in his left hand against his left flank, which makes it look like a shield. This wheel (chakra) is the symbol of Vasudeva Krishna. In his right hand, he holds up something which may be a conch shell. The figure on the obverse stands between the two lines of a vertical legend in Greek, giving the name of king Agathocles. The legend on the reverse gives the king’s name in the Prakrit language and Brahmi script.

These coins are extremely important for the early history of the worship of Balarama and Vasudeva Krishna. For one thing, this evidence can be dated with precision to the reign of Agathocles, i.e., c. 180–170 BCE. Secondly, the iconographic details make the identification of the two figures certain, not ambiguous as is the case with certain figures on punch-marked coins. These are among the earliest images of these deities found so far. Third, these coins indicate that the worship of these gods had spread far beyond the Mathura region, where the cult of the five heroes, including Samkarshana and Vasudeva Krishna, had originated. While the clothes the figures wear could pass for Indian attire, the helmet, scabbard, and boots are not typically Indian, and seem to be Greek elements. And finally, the fact that these gods appear on the coins of an Indo-Greek king indicates that their cults were important enough to receive royal recognition.

It may be noted that rock carvings at Chilas in Kashmir, along a major trade route in the Gilgit valley, include a pair of figures, holding what seem to be a plough and disc, wearing wide open coats similar to that of the Kushana period. Their identification as Balarama and Krishna is confirmed by Kharoshthi inscriptions found in the area.

SOURCE R. Audouin and P. Bernard, in Guillaume, 1991: 81–116

The pastoral setting of the stories about Krishna’s childhood may have originated in legends of a god worshipped by the Abhira tribe. The Abhiras appear to have been a foreign tribe that came into India in about the 1st century BCE. Originally settled in the Punjab, they later moved into the lower Indus valley, and further to Saurashtra and the western Deccan. In the Padma Purana, Vishnu states that he will be born among the Abhiras in his eighth incarnation. The erotic stories about Krishna and the gopis (cowherd girls), narrated in texts such as the Harivamsha and Vishnu Purana may have originated from the same source.

The worship of Samkarshana Balarama, initially very popular in the Mathura region and beyond, was eventually overshadowed by the cult revolving around his younger brother Vasudeva Krishna. The Mahabhashya mentions temples of Balarama. The Arthashastra refers to Samkarshana’s taste for alcohol and suggests that his devotees engaged in ritual drinking. The Puranas too mention this aspect of Samkarshana’s personality. This deity also seems to have been connected with snake

worship. Images show a snake canopy over his head and the Mahabharata refers to his being an incarnation of Sheshanaga (the great snake on whose coils Vishnu rests). He is connected with agricultural operations, as is clear from his very name (samkarshana means ploughing), and his epithets ‘Haladhara’ (wielder of the plough) and ‘Musalin’ (one who wields the pestle). Several Puranas such as the Vishnu, Harivamsha, and Bhagavata tell the story of how Samkarshana Balarama forced the Yamuna to change its course by pulling it with his ploughshare.

The Vaishnava pantheon also came to include the goddess Shri Lakshmi. The Shri Sukta, a supplement to the Rig Veda, describes Shri as a moon-like golden-coloured deer decorated with ornaments made of gold and silver, and also invokes her as Lakshmi. But certain references in later Vedic texts such as the Vajasaneyi Samhita and Taittiriya Aranyaka suggest that Shri and Lakshmi were intitially two different goddesses. ‘Shri’ means well-being or prosperity, and the goddess of this name may have originally been a fertility goddess. ‘Lakshmi’ means sign, token, or mark, and the goddess of this name seems originally to have been associated with the signs of prosperity and luck. By extension, she also became a goddess of wealth. By about the 3rd/4th century CE, Shri Lakshmi was absorbed into the Vaishnava pantheon as the consort of Vishnu. The Mahabharata and Ramayana know her in this role and the Puranas further elaborate on her association with Vishnu.

One of the frequent representations of Shri Lakshmi in sculpture is in her Gaja-Lakshmi form: the goddess sits or stands on a lotus; she is flanked by two elephants who pour water over her from pitchers held in their upraised trunks. At Sonkh, a relief carving of Lakshmi on an architectural fragment was found at pre-Kushana levels and seems to be the oldest stone sculpture found at the site. Lakshmi is represented on a large number of stone images of this period. She is also depicted on a terracotta plaque found at late NBPW levels in an apsidal temple at Atranjikhera, Period IVD (c. 200–50 BCE).

Gaja-Lakshmi is also frequently represented on coins. She appears on coins of the Shunga king Jyesthamitra and on those of the Scytho-Parthian kings Azes II and Azilises. She also appears on 1st century BCE coins of kings of Ayodhya—Vayudeva, Vishakhadeva, and Shivadatta. In the Mathura area, coins of Rajuvula, Shodasa, and Toranadasa have the Gaja-Lakshmi motif. The goddess is also clearly visible on a 1st century BCE Ujjain coin. A female figure seated on a lotus is a recurring sculptural motif at Buddhist sites such as Sanchi, Bharhut, and Bodh Gaya. Is this Lakshmi herself, or is it the Gaja-Lakshmi motif endowed with a new and different meaning—Maya giving birth to the Buddha? References to Lakshmi’s form carved on doors in the Sangam text Pattuppattu indicate that this goddess had come to be associated with auspiciousness in South India as well.

SEE (< />)P(< />). 451 (MIDDLE, LEFT) FOR A PHOTOGRAPH OF MAYA ON LOTUS AT SANCHI

The idea of the avataras is an important Vaishnava doctrine. The word avatara comes from the root avatri which means to descend. In the Rig Veda, gods such as Indra have the ability to assume different forms. The Vaishnava idea of the avataras does not, how-ever, simply refer to Vishnu’s

ability to assume various forms at different points of time. The Gita states explicitly that he does so with a specific purpose—in order to destroy evil and to protect dharma.

The number of Vishnu’s avataras is conventionally reckoned as 10, but some of the names vary in different texts. The Vayu Purana lists Narayana, Narasimha, Vamana, Dattatreya, Mandhata, Jamadagnya, Rama, Vedavyasa, Krishna, and Kalki. Sculptures from the Mathura area suggest that the avatara concept was in its infancy. The chatur-vyuha concept (that of the four emanations of Vishnu) becomes visible towards the end of the Kushana period .

SHAKTI WORSHIP

As we have seen earlier, the worship of goddesses associated with fertility is one of the oldest and most enduring features of religious practice in the subcontinent. In the course of the 1st millennium, the Puranas tried to bring some of these goddesses together, presenting them as different manifestations of the female principle—shakti (Banerjea, 1966: 115–23). The Durga-Gayatri in the Taittiriya Aranyaka (10.1) is the first place where we find the names of some of the goddesses who later came to be associated with the worship of Shakti—Katyayani, Kanyakumari, and Durga. Durga is described as an impetuous, energetic goddess. She is the daughter of the sun (or fire), she has the colour of fire, she burns with austerities and is sought after for the reward of the performance of rites. The Shatarudriya section of the Maitrayaniya Samhita of the Black Yajur Veda refers to the Gayatri-mantras of several Puranic deities, including Girisuta-Gauri, the goddess who is daughter of the mountains. The Mundaka Upanishad mentions the goddesses Kali and Karali as two of the seven tongues of Agni. In the Puranas, these goddesses are described as the terrifying forms of Durga. Later Vedic texts also refer to Bhavani (the female form of Bhava, i.e., Shiva) and Bhadrakali (the auspicious and peaceful form of Kali). The Periplus refers to a place called Comari associated with the worship of a goddess; this may be a reference to Kanyakumari.

In the Mahabharata, Yudhishthira and Arjuna recite a Durga stotra on two separate occasions (Virata Parva 4.6; Bhishma Parva 6.23). The Harivamsha (Vishnu Parva, (< />)Chapter 3) contains the Arya-stava, a hymn in praise of Durga. This begins by addressing the goddess by various names— Arya, Narayani, Tribhuvaneshvari, Shri, Ratri, Katyayani, and Kaushiki. She is also called Aparna and Nagna-Shabari. It goes on to refer to her association with the hills (especially the Vindhyas), rivers, caves, forests, gardens, and animals, both wild and domesticated. It speaks of tribes such as the Shabaras, Barbaras, and Pulindas worshipping her. She is described as the daughter of Nandagopa and the sister of Baladeva. She is said to personify death, and is fond of wine, meat, and sacrifice. She is the mother of mantras and the gayatri of the gods. She personifies the virginity of young girls and the good fortune of married women. She pervades the universe and is a saviour in all kinds of dangers such as those arising out of war, fire, riverbanks, thieves, vast uncharted fields, life away from home, imprisonment due to royal disfavour, and the striking of enemies.

The growing popularity of the worship of Durga is reflected in the epics. The Devi-Mahatmya, which was incorporated into the Markandeya Purana by about the 7th century BCE, contains verses in praise of the Devi (goddess) and gives many accounts of her exploits and greatness. These stories tell of how the gods, harassed by various demons, approached her for help, and how she succeeded in destroying the demons. One of these stories concerns the demon Mahishasura (a demon in the form of a buffalo) who had vanquished the gods. The goddess is described as having emerged out of the combined and concentrated energy of all the gods, defeating the demon after a fierce battle.

Although the Devi-Mahatmya is a relatively late text, the sculptural evidence from many early historical sites indicates the popularity of the worship of Durga Mahishasuramardini from much earlier times. For instance, the Mathura area has yielded a large number of stone Durga images, including those of Mahishasuramardini, belonging to the period c. 200 BCE–300 CE. At Sonkh, a stone plaque found in late 1st century BCE–early 1st century CE levels possibly depicts Durga as Mahishasuramardini; Durga images occur in large numbers in levels of the subsequent period. A stone Matrika plaque may have been the central cult image in Apsidal temple no. 1 at Sonkh, and a large number of terracotta plaques depicting Durga as Mahishasuramardini were found in and around this temple.

THE EMERGENCE OF MAHAYANA BUDDHISM

In the history of Indian Buddhism, the period c. 200 BCE–300 CE is associated with the emergence of Mahayana. The terms ‘Mahayana’ (the greater vehicle) and ‘Hinayana’ (the lesser vehicle) were coined by the Mahayanists. Needless to say, non-Mahayanists would not have considered or described themselves as the followers of a lesser, i.e., inferior path. The origins of Mahayana have often been traced to the older Mahasanghika school. It is not clear in exactly which part of the subcontinent Mahayana ideas first developed. Till recently, the emergence of Mahayana was thought of as leading to a major schism (split) in the sangha. Recent writings have suggested that the issue has to be reconsidered. To begin with, there is the question of what a schism means in the Buddhist tradition. Heinz Bechert (1982) has argued that sangha-bheda (a split in the sangha) has implications that are very different from the notion of schism in the history of Christianity. In the Buddhist tradition, schism was associated with issues concerning monastic discipline, not doctrinal issues. Further, it is evident that emergence of Mahayana did not in fact immediately lead to a split in the sangha.

Far from being a movement instigated by the devotional practices of the laity, Ma-hayana seems to have been a set of ideas and teachings that originated among a group of monks within the sangha (Gethin, 1998: 225). Given the centrality of the Vinaya rules, there was nothing to prevent monks who had different views on matters of doctrine and practice from living together as part of a monastic community. This is confirmed by Faxian and Xuanzang who visited India in the 4th/5th and 7th century respectively, and described Mahayana and non-Mahayana monks living together in the same monasteries. The difference was that the former venerated and worshipped images of the bodhisattvas, whereas the latter did not. Thus seen, Mahayana was not initially a sectarian movement, nor did it did cause a schism in the sangha.

Several Mahayana Sutras were translated into Chinese in the late 2nd century CE. The composition of the earliest Sutras can be placed in the 2nd century BCE. These Sutras claim to contain the teaching of the Buddha and do not project themselves as representing a radical break with the older tradition; in fact they directly draw on this tradition. For instance, the Lalitavistara contains many passages from the Pali canon. There was an increasing use of Sanskrit in Mahayana texts. The important Mahayana Sutras include the Prajnaparamita Sutras, of which the Ashtasahasrika seems to be the oldest. Mahayana received its classic exposition in the writings of thinkers such as Nagarjuna, Aryadeva, Asanga, and Vasubandhu. The accounts of the Chinese pilgrims also throw

light on the history of Mahayana in India. Further evidence is provided by inscriptions and archaeological evidence from Buddhist monastic sites.

The idea of the bodhisattva (wisdom being) is known to earlier Buddhism. Gotama himself is said to have been born as an ascetic named Megha or Sumedha in an earlier birth. He is described as having taken a vow to tread the path of Buddhahood in the presence of an earlier Buddha named Dipankara, only to postpone his own enlightenment out of compassion for others. However, the idea of the bodhisattva assumed greater importance in Mahayana. The highest goal in the older Buddhism was the attainment of nibbana and becoming an arhat. Mahayana considered this a lesser goal; the higher one consisted in following the path of a bodhisattva and attaining Buddhahood. There is a crucial difference between the arhat and bodhisattva. The arhat is one who strives to attain nibbana, and having achieved this goal for himself, disappears from the cycle of samsara. The bodhisattva, on the other hand, is one who has attained great wisdom, but decides to refrain from taking the final step into nibbana, choosing to actively engage with the world for aeons on end in order to help others achieve this goal. Great compassion (maha-karuna) for others is a key element in the Mahayana ideal of the bodhisattva.

NAGARJUNAKONDA RELIEFS: SUBJUGATION OF NAGA APALALA

THE ELEPHANT NALAGIRI

The conduct and practices that formed part of the path leading to Buddhahood were not very different from those recommended in the earlier tradition. The several stages along the bodhisattva path involved the attainment of a number of perfections known as paramitas. These were originally listed as six and later expanded to ten. They consisted of generosity (dana), good conduct (shila), patient forbearance (kshanti), mental strength (virya), meditation (dhyana), wisdom (prajna), skilfulness in means (upaya-kaushalya), determination (pranidhana), power (bala), and knowledge (jnana).

In the early Buddhist tradition, represented in the Pali canon, the Buddha was considered a man, one among several beings who had attained enlightenment and become an arhat. However, he was definitely a superior man (mahapurusha), the unequalled teacher par excellence of the path to salvation. At any given time, there could be only one Buddha, the next one appearing only when the teaching of the previous one had died out. What exactly happened to a Buddha after death was left somewhat hazy, but he definitely disappeared from the cycle of samsara. Mahayana had a different perspective on such issues. It increased the gulf between the attainments of an arhat and a Buddha. It also introduced the idea of transcendent Buddhas and bodhisattvas, who stood between nibbana and samsara. It conceived of many Buddhas and bodhisattvas such as Maitreya, Avalokiteshvara, and Manjushri, all of whom simultaneously worked for the deliverance of sentient beings in their respective ‘Buddha-fields’ (Buddha-kshetra).

Mahayana philosophical ideas were represented in the texts of two major Buddhist schools —Madhyamaka and Yogachara. The founder of the Madhyamaka school was Nagarjuna (2nd century CE). His most important work was the Mula-Madhyamaka-Karika (Root Verses on the Middle). The idea of shunyata (emptiness) is an important feature of this work. Shunyata does not mean that nothing exists. It means that appearances are misleading, and that permanent selves and substances do not exist. The Abhidharma texts spoke of dharmas—the basic elements of mind and matter which comprised the universe. According to Nagarjuna’s analysis, the ultimate truth, seen in

the light of the entire teaching of the Buddha, is that the dharmas are empty, i.e., they do not exist per se. Later important thinkers of the Madhayamaka school included Aryadeva, Buddhapalita, Bhavaviveka, Chandrakirti, and Shantideva.

The ideas associated with the Yogachara school are contained in Sutra texts such as the Samdhinirmochana and the Lankavatara. This school is known as Yogachara because of the importance it attaches to meditation as a means of attaining the highest goal. Yogachara gives a detailed account of consciousness. As in earlier Buddhist thought, it talks of six types of consciousness which consist of the inputs a person gets from his senses plus his conscious thought. Yogachara, however, identifies these as as part of the active level of consciousness. It identifies two other levels—the first is the level of the defiled mind (klishta-manas) which is defiled with things such as the idea of I-ness and delusion. The other level of consciousness is the store consciousness (alaya-vijnana), which contains the store of all the seeds sown by the defilements of the active consciousness. A person’s ordinary experience is based on how his consciousness processes the world. By following the path of a bodhisattva, defilement and illusion melt away and perfect clarity and knowledge is attained. Yogachara attaches great importance to the analysis of consciousness and asserts that mundane experiences are fundamentally constructs of the mind. This school is supposed to have been founded by a monk named Maitreyanatha. Its important exponents included Asanga, Vasubandhu (both belonging to the 4th century), Sthiramati (6th century), and Dharmakirti (7th century).

The most direct implication of Mahayana ideas at the level of popular practice was the worship of Buddhas and bodhisattvas in the form of images in shrines. The older Buddhism had considered the veneration of stupas and relics meritorious, but not essential. Mahayana, on the other hand, attached great importance to devotion to the Buddhas and bodhisattvas. There was also a gradual shift from the veneration of symbols of Buddha Sakyamuni to the worship of images of many Buddhas and bodhisattvas. This shift can be seen in the sculptures at various Buddhist sites.

As mentioned earlier, archaeology has much to offer for the history of religions. Lars Fogelin’s study (2006) of the architecture and landscape of the monastic site of Thotlakonda in northern coastal Andhra analyses the material remains of religious practice within a larger social context. On the one hand, the location of the monastery on a hilltop, the inwardly focused cloister, and the concealed location of the refectory suggests monastic isolation. On the other hand, links with the laity are visible in the donative inscriptions, the creation of a public worship space within the monastery, and votive stupas memorializing important monks within the public worship area. A noteworthy feature of the archaeological landscape of Thotlakonda are the large numbers (231) of memorial cairns (made of piled-up stones) outside the monastic complex, most of them commanding a view of the monastery. These probably marked the places where ashes of less prominent monks and devout laypeople were buried.

What was the place and role of women in Buddhism during these centuries? Diana Y. Paul (1979) points out that like earlier Buddhist texts, Mahayana texts too reflect negative as well as positive images of women and femininity. These texts reveal how men perceived themselves in relation to women. In some places, women are portrayed as mysterious, elusive, sensual, dangerous, and weak in body and in mind. In other places, they are portrayed as wise, maternal, gentle, compassionate, and creative. Women’s sexuality is seen as threatening to others and to their own spiritual aspirations, and there are several stories of women tempting and destroying monks. Although the

path of renunciation was open to women, the texts frequently focus on women within the household and display an anxiety about the impact of women leaving their household to become nuns. Mahayana texts were divided in their opinion regarding women’s potential to follow the path leading to bodhisattva-hood. Although a few do suggest that maleness and femaleness were illusory and irrelevant categories, most of them present two alternative paths to attaining bodhisattva-hood for women. Some Sutras declare that a woman could not enter this path until she was re-born as a man. Others contain stories of miraculous sex changes. For instance, the Saddharmapundarika Sutra tells the story of an 8-year-old bodhisattva girl, daughter of a naga king Sagara, whose sex changed as soon as the prophecy of her impending Buddhahood was made.

It should be noted that all the available information about the sangha during these centuries is about the sangha of monks. Evidence regarding the bhikkhuni sangha is largely confined to references to nuns as donors in inscriptions. Nuns made gifts individually and collectively, and the places mentioned in connection with collective gifts no doubt mark the places where bhikkhuni sanghas were located. Monastic centres of nuns did exist, but they are not known by name or fame. All the great monastic centres known from texts and inscriptions were centres of male monasticism. Further, although nuns (along with other women) appear very often as donors at male monastic centres, there is not a single inscription of this period recording a donation to the bhikkhuni sangha. There seems to have been a gross disparity between the patronage enjoyed by the male and female monastic orders. The decline of the latter was inevitable in such a situation.

NEW DIRECTIONS IN RESEARCH

Monastic and lay practices in texts versus inscriptions

Archaeological and epigraphic evidence are vital sources for the history of Buddhism. Gregory Schopen emphasizes the dangers of an overly text-based understanding and points out that scholars who rely exclusively on textual sources assume that these texts were widely known and important. It is in fact quite possible that at least some of them may not have been known to the majority of Buddhist monks or lay persons. Schopen directs attention to many points on which texts lay down a position that did not reflect what people were actually doing. There are also several widespread practices that are either not mentioned or not discussed in any detail in texts. A few examples of the ‘mismatch’ between the literary and epigraphic evidence are given below:

The texts tell us little about the burial practices of monastic communities. Stupas, with or without relics, on the other hand, indicate the development of an elaborate stupa cult.

Stupas were set up not only to enshrine relics of the Buddha, but also those of important monks. Small votive stupas in the vicinity of larger ones contained the funerary remains of devout members of the laity. We know about these and other mortuary practices of early Buddhists almost entirely from archaeology and inscriptions.

Buddhist texts tell us that a monk left everything, including his property, behind him when he joined the sangha. On the other hand, there are plenty of inscriptions which specifically mention

monks and nuns making donations to stupa-monastery complexes. This clearly indicates that members of the order retained some control over their property— which was often quite substantial—even after joining the sangha.

The texts tell us that members of the sangha were not supposed to handle money. However, sites such as Sanchi have yielded not only coins but semi-precious stones under the floors of monastic cells. Even more interesting is the discovery of lead coins in a monastery at Nagarjunakonda, found along with earthenware die for making such coins. Monks were evidently making coins; whether legally or illegally, is not certain.

Karma and dana (gift giving) are important in the Buddhist textual tradition. But the hundreds of donative inscriptions from various early Buddhist sites indicate the wide prevalence of an idea that is found nowhere in the early texts—the idea of the transference of merit. This is the idea that the meritorious results of the actions of one person can be transferred to another person. Donative records at sites such as Sanchi and Bharhut often state specifically that the donor had made the gift for the benefit of his or her parents or for the welfare of all beings. Such an idea is found even in inscriptions representing the Hinayana stream.

The epigraphic evidence suggests that the distinctions between monastic and lay practices were not as sharp as earlier believed. Gift-giving was an important activity not only for the laity but also for the monastic community. Similarly, monks and nuns participated actively in the stupa cult along with the laity.

SOURCE Schopen, 1997

The period c. 200 BCE–300 CE saw the expansion and spread of Buddhist stupa-monastery complexes in various parts of the subcontinent. Details of some of these will be discussed later on in this chapter, in the sections on architecture and sculpture.

THE DIGAMBARA–SHVETAMBARA SCHISM IN JAINISM

In an earlier chapter, mention was made of the Digambara–Shvetambara schism within the Jaina sangha. It is difficult to date this development; it may have taken place in c. 300 CE. Digambara tradition explains the schism by referring to a southward migration of Jaina monks in the wake of an impending famine. According to some accounts, the leader of the migrant group was Bhadrabahu and the monks spent 12 years in the Karnataka region. Bhadrabahu died, but his followers finally made their way back to Pataliputra in Magadha. When they arrived there, they found that much had changed. The northern monks, led by Sthulabhadra, had codified the canon. They had also started wearing clothes, which the southerners thought unacceptable, as to them this represented retention of shame and ran counter to the ascetic requirement of renouncing all possessions. The recently-returned group later came to be known as the Digambaras, while the northerners, who wore white clothes, came to be known as the Shvetambaras. The Digambaras completely rejected the canon compiled by Sthulabhadra and denounced the northerners as false Jainas (Jainabhasa).

The Shvetambaras, on the other hand, ascribe the origin of the Digambara sect to a self-initiated monk named Shivabhuti. We are told that Shivabhuti, hearing of the older practice of monastic nudity that had died out after the time of Mahavira, decided to re-institute it and became the founder of the Digambara sect. Both these Digambara and Shvetambara accounts of the split are late and are considered of dubious historical value, although it is possible that a southward migration of monks did actually take place, possibly in the 4th century BCE.

The archaeological and inscriptional evidence suggests a gradual move among Jaina monks from the practice of total nudity towards wearing clothes, rather than an abrupt split of the kind suggested by the Digambara and Shvetambara traditions (Dundas, 1992: 42–43). All the early tirthankara images from Mathura are naked; it is only in the 5th century CE that there is an image of Rishabha wearing a lower garment. Clothed images became common among Shvetambaras several centuries later. Also notable is the fact that an inscription recording a land grant to Jaina sects by a late 5th century CE king from South India refers to the Shvetambaras but uses the old term ‘Nirgrantha’ (bondless) to refer to naked monks, suggesting that the term Digambara had not yet become all that common. The council of Valabhi in the 5th century may have been a decisive event in the hardening of the divide between the Shvetambaras and Digambaras. This was an exclusively Shvetambara gathering with no Digambara monks present. The early medieval Yapaniya sect may reflect an intermediate position, wherein monks generally moved around naked, but covered their private parts with a piece of cloth when begging for alms or when they were in the presence of the laity. Eventually, the Shvetambaras came to predominate in western India and the Digambaras in the south.

A number of tracts (over 40) on shravakachara laid down the conduct for the Jaina laity. These began with the 2nd century Charitraprabhrita of Kundakunda down to the 17th century Dharmasangrahatika of Yashovijaya. These texts narrate stories and give detailed instructions on the importance of keeping various vows and what to do for expiation if the vows were broken. They also lay down the shravaka-pratima—steps whereby a lay person could systematically and progressively prepare himself for complete renunciation. The only comparable Theravada Buddhist text is the 12th century Upasakajanalamkara of Ananda. Like the Buddhists, Jainas too must have followed the Brahmanical samskaras for a long time. The earliest attempt to codify the samskaras for the Jaina laity was made in the early medieval period by Jinasena, who gave a new Jaina interpretation of what were still basically the Brahmanical samskaras.

An important development in the early centuries CE at the level of Jaina lay practice was the development of a temple cult and lay rituals. A naked and headless stone torso found at Lohanipur (near Patna), assigned to the Maurya period, has been tentatively identified as a Jaina tirthankara. If the identification is correct, this represents the earliest Jaina image found so far. There is plenty of evidence of Jaina images from various sites from c. 200 BCE onwards. Folkert (1993) points out that it is important to note that the Jaina temple cult developed outside the influence and control of the monastic order. This is in contrast to Buddhism, where monks came to control the shrines. Puja in Digambara Jaina shrines is today generally carried out by a priest, while in Shvetambara temples lay people play a major role in this activity. Lay rituals, including rites of passage, did not involve monks or any intermediary priestly class.

Several important centres of Jainism of this period can be identified. The 1st century BCE Hathigumpha inscription of the Kalinga king Kharavela refers to his retrieving an image of a jina. This is the earliest epigraphic reference to image worship in Jainism. The Udayagiri and Khandagiri

caves in Orissa are among the oldest long-standing centres of Jaina monasticism. The large number of Jaina images and inscriptions from the Mathura area indicates the popularity of Jainism here. We can note the discovery of the vestiges of a Jaina stupa at the Kankali Tila at Mathura, indicating that the veneration of stupas was not exclusively a Buddhist practice. Inscriptional and later textual evidence suggests that this stupa came to be known as the Devanirmita Stupa (the stupa made by the gods).

The early spread of Jainism to the far south is indicated by the reference in the Mahavamsa to the building of houses and temples for the Nigantha (Jaina) ascetics at Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka by the 4th BCE century king Pandukabhaya. The Maduraikkanchi describes a magnificent temple of the Nirgranthas (Jainas) at Madurai. Tamil–Brahmi inscriptions in Tamil Nadu and Kerala give unequivocal evidence that Jaina monks and nuns enjoyed the patronage of wealthy political and social elites during these centuries.

Religious Architecture and Sculpture

6

The historiography of the art and architecture of ancient and early medieval India reveals a variety of different perspectives (see Chandra, 1975, Mitter, 1977, Pandya Dhar, 2008). Modern academic inquiry into ancient Indian architecture and sculpture began in the 19th century and was rooted in colonial power equations.These were reflected, for instance, in the tendency of Western scholars to exaggerate the element of foreign influence on Indian art and architecture and their presentation of the history of this art as a story of decay. Subsequently, apart from the descriptive approach, focusing on the evolution and details of artistic features and styles, another approach, reflected in the writings of scholars such as Ananda Coomaraswamy and Stella Kramrisch, attempted to grasp the deeper, spiritual, symbolic underpinnings of Indian artistic creativity. More recently, questions related to spectatorship and the representation of the male and female bodies have directed attention towards gender issues in Indian art (see Dehejia, 1997b).

As mentioned earlier, a shrine is basically a demarcated sacred space within which worship or veneration takes place. The earliest shrines in the subcontinent simply consisted of a fenced-in space or tree. Some of them were associated with the worship of yakshas and yakshis, and nagas and nagis. The Buddhist Mahaparinibbana Sutta refers to many chetiyas (chaityas) or shrines in the city of Vaishali. Two fragmentary carved columns from the site of Amaravati are interesting in this context. One of them has a relief carving of a tree enclosed by a railing and an inscription in 2nd century BCE Brahmi, which indicates that this was a representation of the Bahuputta chetiya. The second one shows the worship of a tree and the Buddha’s footprints, the inscription below identifying this as the Chapala chetiya.

During c. 200 BCE–300 CE, the increasing institutionalization of religious activity and its ability to elicit patronage from different sections of society led to the beginnings of traditions of more permanent and elaborate religious structures. Most of the surviving sculpture and architecture of these centuries is in fact religious in nature. This evidence is important not only for the history of art and architecture but for the history of religion as well. Inscriptions from these sites give information regarding the identity of the people who financed the building of these religious establishments.

The sculpture and architecture of c. 200 BCE–300 CE can be discussed within smaller chronological or dynastic units of time and of region. The following sections offer, however, only a

very general overview of some of the important developments. It can be noted that the varieties of architectural styles and sculptural ornamentation cut across religious and sectarian boundaries.

EARLY HINDU TEMPLES AND SCULPTURE

The evidence of Hindu temples of this period consists mostly of ground plans revealed by archaeological excavations; the superstructures have not survived. Among the earliest are vestiges of what must have been a Vishnu temple in the vicinity of the 2nd century BCE Heliodorus pillar at Vidisha in Madhya Pradesh. The remains of this temple are dated to the 3rd century BCE. The shrine consisted of an inner ellipse (8.10 × 3 m) separated by a 2.5 m gap from the outer ellipse. The latter had a rectangular projection (7 × 4.85m) to the east, where the entrance was located. The temple had a brick plinth; its superstructure must have been made of wood, thatch, and mud. It was raised higher on a mud platform after it was damaged by floods.

FIGURE 8.2 RECONSTRUCTION OF THE VIDISHA TEMPLE

Two elliptical structures of about the same period have also been found at Dangwada in central India. One of these had a plinth of boulders. An inscribed clay seal indicated that it was a Shiva temple. The other temple had a mud plinth; an inscribed clay seal indicated that it was a Vishnu temple.

Nagari in Chittorgarh district of Rajasthan represents the site of the ancient city of Madhyamika. Here, a 1st century BCE inscription refers to the building of a stone enclosure for a Vishnu shrine. The remains of an older structure, which can be dated to the 3rd century BCE, were found below the level of the enclosure. The structure consisted of two ellipses—the inner one was 10 m long and 3.5 m wide, while the outer one was 14 m long. The 1.8 m space in between functioned as a circumambulatory path. The structure was made of mud and wood, and had a rammed floor of broken bricks and lime.

Archaeologists excavating one of the small mounds outside the main mound at Atranjikhera in Etah district (UP), found remains of an apsidal temple belonging to the late NBPW phase, Period IVD (c. 200–50 BCE) (Gaur, 1983: 256–57). The temple faced east and had a raised platform around which was a circumambulatory path. The discovery of a broken, corroded upper part of a Gaja-Lakshmi

plaque, showing two elephants sprinkling water over the head of the goddess from their upraised trunks, suggests that this temple was dedicated to Lakshmi.

The site of Sonkh near Mathura gave evidence of a multi-temple urban complex (Hartel, 1993). Apsidal temple no. 1 was the central focus of the residential structures and streets around it. The temple, oriented roughly in an east–west direction, was initially a small structure, and was renovated and enlarged over time. Roughly nine structural phases belonging to the 1st and 2nd centuries CE were identified. The temple began as a small squarish structure, about 3.05 × 3.30 m. It developed into an apsidal structure, about 9.70 × 8.85 m, standing on a raised platform. This was enclosed by a thick wall on three sides, with a room-like structure in the entrance area on the eastern side. On the floor of the apse was a 60 cm high plinth covered with a slab, probably used as an altar for an image. A Matrika plaque carved on mottled red sandstone was found on the floor at its base, and may have been the central cult image which was probably reinstalled in successive structural phases. A large number of plaques depicting Durga as Mahishasuramardini were found in or around this temple. In its last structural phase, just before it fell into disuse, the apsidal shrine seems to have reverted to its squarish shape.

NAGA TEMPLE AND ITS SOUTHERN GATE

SONKH (AFTER HARTEL, 1993)

Remains of the much more elaborate Apsidal temple no. 2 were discovered 400 m north of the main excavated area at Sonkh. In its most developed form, the temple can be visualized standing high above surrounding buildings on a 15 × 11.50 m high brick platform, with a pond to its east. The apsidal sanctum had a vaulted roof with pinnacles, which were probably green glazed. The entrance was decorated with an arch-shaped carved stone tympanum above the doorway. To the north of the temple was a row of cells arranged on three sides of a courtyard. The temple complex was enclosed by a stone railing, most of it carved on both sides. The beautifully carved remains of a stone gateway, consisting of two pillars supporting a superstructure of three architraves with voluted ends, were found on the southern side of the railing. An architectural fragment belonging to the bottom lintel of the gateway bore a relief carving of a naga and a nagi seated on thrones, surrounded by attendants and people with hands folded in obeisance. This carving, a number of stone sculptures and reliefs, terracotta figurines and moulds, inscriptions, and the top half of a four-sided, seven-headed stone naga image leave no doubt that Apsidal temple no. 2 was a magnificent naga temple.

FIGURE 8.3 PLAN OF THE ASHTABHUJASVAMIN TEMPLE, NAGARJUNAKONDA (AFTER SOUNDARARAJAN ET AL., 2006)

Excavations in the Parashurameshwara temple at Gudimallam (Chittoor district, AP) have revealed the history of this Shiva temple from the 2nd century BCE onwards (Sarma, 1994). In the earliest stage, the stone Shiva linga carved with the image of the god was placed within a 1.25 m square stone railing. The temple was hypaethral (open-air, roofless). Bones of domesticated sheep with cut marks on them suggest animal sacrifice. Phase II in the structural history of the temple is dated from the 1st to the 3rd centuries CE. An apsidal temple was built around the Shiva linga in this period. Considerable architectural elaboration took place in early medieval times. However, it is interesting to note that the same Shiva linga remained the object of worship in the sanctum throughout.

The site of Nagarjunakonda represents the ancient site of Vijayapuri, capital of the Ikshvaku dynasty (c. 225–325 CE). Here, nestled in a valley surrounded by offshoots of the Nallamalai hills and the river Krishna, was a magnificent royal city replete with royal residences, bathing ghats, tanks, memorial stones, Hindu temples, Buddhist stupas, shrines, and monasteries (Sarkar and Misra, 1972; Soundararajan et al., 2006). Unfortunately, most of these structures were destroyed

when the site was submerged due to the building of the Nagarjunasagar dam. The remains of 9 Hindu temples were identified near the citadel and 10 were located further upstream along the banks of the Krishna. Inscriptions associated with some of the temples helped identify their dates and affiliations. Five were dedicated variously to Shiva, Karttikeya, or Devasena (Karttikeya’s consort), and one was a Vishnu temple. The remains of what may be a goddess shrine were also identified. A large temple comlex was dedicated to Sarvadeva or to all the gods.

The temple complexes at Nagarjunakonda did not have a uniform architectural plan. Some consisted of a single shrine—oblong, apsidal, or square. Others consisted of more than one shrine, each preceded by a mandapa (pillared hall); there were either two apsidal shrines or complexes with both apsidal and rectangular structures. Most of the temples had their entrance to the east. Brick was the main construction material, with stone used for the pillared mandapas. One of the temples showed the use of wood. The mandapas must have stood on carved limestone pillars and seem to have had flat roofs. The apsidal shrines may have had barrel-vaulted roofs, while the square or oblong ones probably had flat ones. The fact that few sculpted architectural fragments have been found in the temple areas suggests that the walls of the temples were relatively plain.

DEBALA MITRA, DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA (1975–83), WHO EXPLORED AND EXCAVATED SEVERAL BUDDHIST SITES

BUDDHIST ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE

The period c. 200 BCE–300 CE saw an expansion in the number and scale of Buddhist monastic complexes (known variously as sangharama, vihara, or lena) which included dwellings for monks, stupas, and shrines. The term chaitya means a sacred space, but is more specifically used to refer to Buddhist shrines. Many of the early Buddhist cave shrines contained a stupa as the object of veneration, and large, independent stupas soon came to form an integral part of Buddhist monasteries.

The stupa represented many things in the Buddhist tradition. It stood for the axis mundi (the centre of the universe); it symbolized the parinibbana of the Buddha; it was a repository of relics of the Buddha and other monks; it was a place of veneration, worship, and pilgrimage for monks and laity. The Mahaparinibbana Sutta suggests that the practice of erecting funerary mounds over the bodily

remains of kings pre-dated Buddhism. However, there are no references to such a practice in Vedic literature, and the earliest surviving stupas are in fact associated with Buddhism. These include the mud stupas at Piprahwa and Vaishali.

In an earlier chapter, mention was made of the important role played by Ashoka in popularizing the stupa cult. Intially, relics of the Buddha were embedded in the core of stupas. In the next stage, relics of the Buddha’s disciples and companions were similarly enshrined. Worship was soon transferred from the relics to the stupa itself. During c. 200 BCE–300 CE, stupas—with or without relics—became an important part of Buddhist monasteries.

The stupa-monastery complexes were located close to urban centres and along major trade and pilgrimage routes. Some marked places connected with important events in the life of the Buddha. Most of the major stupa-monastery complexes were located on the outskirts of the great cities of the time—Mrigadava outside Kashi, the Dharmarajika stupa outside Taxila, Sanchi outside Vidisha, Amaravati outside Dharanikota (the Satavahana capital), and Nagarjunakonda outside Vijayapuri (the Ikshvaku capital). Bharhut was also evidently located on the outskirts of a city which has not so far been identified with any site mentioned in ancient texts.

Most Buddhist stupa-monastery sites were built over many centuries, and reveal the gradual evolution of sculptural and architectural style as well as of religious thought and practice. The architectural and sculptural features of stupas of this period shared certain common features, but there were also some distinct regional traditions. The architectural and sculptural features of a few important sites are discussed below.

STUPA-MONASTERIES OF THE NORTH-WEST

In the Gandhara region, Indian and Hellenistic features coalesced (Huntington, 1985: 130–33). There was a significant expansion of Buddhist monasteries in Gandhara and northern Afghanistan in the early centuries CE, but very little evidence of their architectural form survives. Takht-i-Bahi in Pakistan and Guldara in Afghanistan are two important sites. Excavations at Takht-i-Bahi revealed a large monastic complex that included several connected clusters of cells arranged around courtyards, stupas, and sculptures. A stupa once stood in one of the courtyards, but only its square base survives.

Extensive evidence of early Buddhist shrines and stupas comes from Taxila. The city of Sirkap at this site was founded by the Indo-Greeks and continued to be occupied during Shaka and Parthian rule. The excavated remains mostly belong to the latter phase. The largest structure is a ruined Buddhist apsidal temple, located in Block D. This has a screen between the apse and area for assembly. A number of stone heads showing Indian and Greek features and styles were found here; some may represent bodhisattvas. In front of the shrine, on both sides of the entrance, were the square bases of stupas. This structure can be dated to the first half of the 1st century CE.

Another important structure at Sirkap was the so-called ‘shrine of the double eagle’ in Block F, probably built in the late 1st century BCE. Its only surviving portion is the square base of what was obviously a stupa. This has relief carvings of pillars and pilasters with acanthus leaf capitals in between. The carvings represent three different types of gateways: a torana (gateway) with two architraves, similar in general form and shape to those found at Sanchi; a doorway with a chaitya arch (also known as the ogee arch), and a classic Hellenistic pedimented façade. The chaitya arches have representations of double-headed eagles, while the toranas have single-headed eagles. It is

interesting to note that over half a dozen small stupas were found within the regular residential area of Sirkap. The laity must have offered worship here.

FIGURE 8.4 PLAN OF MONASTIC COMPLEX, TAKHT-I-BAHI (AFTER HUNTINGTON, 1985)

Several stupa-monastery complexes outside the city of Taxila have structural phases belonging the early centuries CE. The largest of these include the Dharmarajika (locally known as the Chir tope), probably belonging to the Maurya period. As at other Gandhara sites such as Manikyala and Jamalgarhi, this stupa consisted of a low circular plinth surmounted by a hemispherical dome. The monastic area lay to its north. In the 1st century BCE, the Dharmarajika stupa came to be surrounded by a ring of miniature stupas. These were later replaced by miniature shrines. In the 1st century CE, the stupa was rebuilt, and its solid core was replaced by a wheel-shaped plan. In the 2nd century CE, flights of stairs were built at the four cardinal points. (Almost all the other stupas at Taxila have only one flight of stairs). Shrines with images appeared from the 1st century CE in the vicinity of the Dharmarajika as well as in some of the other Taxila monastic complexes.

In contrast to the stupas of central India, those of the north-west had a tower-like appearance with sculptural decoration on the base and dome. The modest-sized Guldara stupa (2nd century CE) rises from a high square base, with stairs leading up to it from the east. The outer façade of the structure consists of thin, flat slabs of sedimentary rock, carefully arranged one on top of the other (this is known as the diaper masonry technique and was introduced to this region by the Parthians), the interior filled with stone rubble. The stupa’s base and dome were decorated with pilasters, niches,

and different kinds of arches. The capitals of the pilasters framing the niches seem to have been inspired by Corinthian capitals, while the chaitya arches that they frame reflect an Indian feature. Large stucco images must have once adorned these niches.

CENTRAL INDIAN STUPAS —SANCHI AND BHARHUT

The many Buddhist monastic sites in central India include Bharhut, Sanchi, Satdhara, Andher, Sonari, and Bhojpur. Of these, those of Bharhut and Sanchi have been best studied. The sculptures at Bharhut range from the 3rd century BCE to the end of the 2nd century BCE, while its inscriptions have been dated to the 2nd–1st centuries BCE. The Bharhut stupa has been completely destroyed over time and its parts are scattered in various museums, with a major collection housed in the Indian Museum in Kolkata. Sanchi has the advantage of being in a better state of preservation than many other early Buddhist stupa-monastery sites, and we will therefore focus on it.

Sanchi (in Raisen district, MP) is referred to as Kakanava or Kakanaya in early Brahmi inscriptions found at the site (Singh, 1996). In the 4th century CE, it was known as Kakanadabota, while an inscription of the late 7th century refers to it as Bota-Shriparvata. The site is not associated with any event in the Buddha’s life. It was located near Vidisha, one of the greatest cities of the Maurya empire. This was also the birthplace of Devi, with whom, according to legend, Ashoka had a serious romance. The remains at Sanchi include stupas, pillars, shrines, and sculptures ranging from the 3rd century BCE to the 12th century CE. These provide a remarkable history of Buddhism in stone, spanning some 15 centuries.

YAKSHI ON PILLAR, BHARHUT

FIGURE 8.5 PLAN OF SANCHI STUPA NO. 1 (AFTER MITRA, 1971)

There are several stupas at Sanchi. As mentioned in an earlier chapter, the brick core of Stupa no. 1 belongs to Ashoka’s time. In the 2nd century BCE, this stupa was encased in stone, using dark purple-grey sandstone which was available locally. Many other stupas, shrines, and monasteries were built over the next few centuries. The stupas had a stone circumambulatory path (pradakshina-patha); two flights of stairs (sopanas) at the base; stone railings (vedikas) at the ground, berm (the ledge located between the base and the dome), and summit level; and a stone umbrella (chhatra) on the summit. Stone railings and four gateways (toranas) at the cardinal points enclosed the entire

sacred space. While no relics were found in Stupa no. 1, Stupa no. 2 contained a relic box with bone fragments of 10 Buddhist monks. Stupa no. 3 had the relics (bone fragments, beads) of the famous monks Sariputta and Mahamogalana.

BHARHUT RAILING MEDALLION

In central India, the surface of a stupa was not embellished with sculptures. Sculptural decoration —if any—was reserved for the railings and gateways. The shape of the gateways suggests that they were stone renditions of wooden prototypes. Traces of plaster and red paint at a few places on Stupa no. 1 indicate that the Sanchi stupas were probably covered with a layer of plaster and red paint. This and the garlands decorating the stupas represented in reliefs indicate that the stupas of ancient times did not look as austere as they do today.

SANCHI STUPA NO.1: STUPA; GATEWAY; DETAILS OF RAILING AND GATEWAY SCULPTURES

The other structural remains at Sanchi belonging to c. 200 BCE–200 CE include pillars, a pillared hall, and shrines, including an apsidal one. It may be noted that recent excavations at Sanchi have revealed ancient dams made of mud, faced with dressed blocks of stone. These created reservoirs

for storing rainwater, suggesting that the monks were involved in water harvesting, not only for providing drinking water, but also for irrigating the surrounding fields (Shaw and Sutcliffe, 2001).

STUPAS OF ANDHRA PRADESH

The large number of important Buddhist monastic establishments located in the eastern Deccan included Amaravati, Jaggayyapeta, and Nagarjunakonda. The first two of these are in a ruinous state and the third was submerged by the waters of the Nagarjunasagar dam. However, we get an idea about their basic structure and features from their surviving remains. The Buddhist monastery at Amaravati was located next to Dhanyakataka, capital of the later Satavahanas. The discovery of what may be an Ashokan inscription at this place suggests that the beginning of the monastic establishment may be dated to the Maurya period. The Amaravati stupa was the largest in the Andhra country and is referred to in ancient inscriptions as a mahachaitya. As a result of indiscriminate excavation and removal of sculpted stones from the site from the late 18th century onwards, the drum of the brick stupa, the circumambulatory path, and a few railing uprights are all that survive at the site.

NAGARJUNAKONDA: BUDDHA IMAGE

Nagarjunakonda contained over 30 Buddhist establishments belonging to the 3rd– 4th centuries CE. The inscriptions mention at least four different sects—the Mahaviharavasin, Mahishasaka, Bahushrutiya, and Aparamahavinaseliya (the last one is mentioned in the maximum number of inscriptions). There is great variety in the architecture and arrangement of the Buddhist complexes here. Some of them consisted of a stupa and monastery, others of a stupa, monastery, and chaitya, and still others of a monastery and chaitya. There are several isolated stupas and also small votive stupas. H. Sarkar (1966) has estimated that going by the size and number of dwelling spaces, the monastic community of Nagarjunakonda may have numbered about 450.

Some of the stupas of the Andhra region had a solid brick or stone construction. The body of others consisted of a spoked-wheel plan made of bricks, the spaces in between filled with mud. This spoked-wheel plan translated a key Buddhist symbol—the chakra—into an architectural feature, also endowing the structure with greater strength. While the spoked-wheel plan appears at many sties, the Amaravati stupa had a solid brick core. The Bhattiprolu stupa (2nd century BCE) may represent an intermediate stage—it had a mostly solid core, with a wheel plan in the central portion.

(It may be noted that the wheel-shaped plan also occurs outside the Andhra region—for instance, in the Dharmarajika stupa at Taxila, at Shah-ji-ki-Dheri, and in Mathura.) At Nagarjunakonda, most of the stupas were made of brick, a few were made of stone rubble, and one had a brick rim enclosing a rubble and earth packing. Most of the Nagarjunakonda stupas had wheel-shaped bases. The number of spokes in the wheel ranged from 4 to 10 and usually varied according to the size of the stupa—the larger the stupa, the more spokes in the wheel. A few stupas had a svastika instead of a wheel inset into their base.

REMAINS OF STUPA WITH AYAKA PILLARS

STADIUM

MAP 8.8 EARLY HISTORICAL MONASTERIES IN ANDHRA PRADESH

Another notable feature of some of the Andhra stupas was that raised on a platform at the four cardinal points were five tall free-standing pillars known as ayaka pillars. These were supposed to represent five important events in the Buddha’s life—his birth, renunciation, enlightenment, first sermon, and death. Ayaka platforms and pillars are, however, absent at Salihundam and Ramatirtham, and even at some of the stupas at Nagarjunakonda. Outside Andhra, such platforms have been reported at Vaishali.

STUPA WITH SPOKED-WHEEL PLAN, NAGARJUNAKONDA

FIGURE 8.6 PLAN OF A STUPA-MONASTERY COMPLEX, NAGARJUNAKONDA (AFTER SOUNDARARAJAN ET AL. 2006)

THOTLAKONDA MONASTERY (AFTER FOGELIN, 2006)

The base and a part of the dome of some of the great stupas of this region were faced with sculpted limestone slabs in the early centuries CE. For example, the dome, railings, and gateways of the Amaravati stupa were profusely ornamented with beautiful relief carvings. At Nagarjunakonda, on the other hand, although the relief sculptures depict stupas with railings, very few actual railing fragments have been found, and they are all plain and uninscribed.

There are a large number of early historical Buddhist sites in north coastal Andhra Pradesh, for instance at Thotlakonda, Bavikonda, Pavuralakonda, Sankaram, and Dharapalem. The first three of these were excavated recently. Thotlakonda (see Sastry, Subrahmanyam, and Rao, 1992) yielded remains of several viharas, chaityas, and stupas; the occupation of the site was dated between the 3rd/2nd century BCE and the 2nd/3rd century CE.

EARLY RELIEF SCULPTURE AT BUDDHIST STUPA SITES

Art historian Niharranjan Ray (1975: 58–66) pointed to a sharp contrast between Maurya and post-Maurya art. The art of the Maurya period was essentially a dignified and aristocratic court art. It was art in the round, to be seen from all sides, in which animals figured prominently. Post-Maurya art, on the other hand, reflected popular tastes and patronage. It was largely relief art (where the carving is done on one surface and is meant to be seen from the front alone) and was by and large narrative in character. The human figure emerged as an important part of the composition. Except for Udayagiri

and Khandagiri, which had Jaina associations, the relief art of the period c. 200 BCE–300 CE was mainly Buddhist in affiliation.