Old NCERT Textbook (Satish Chandra): The Deccan and South India (up to 1656) | History for UPSC CSE PDF Download

 Page 1


FOURTEEN
The Deccan and South India (Up to 1656)
We have mentioned in an earlier chapter that following the break up of the
Bahmani kingdom, three powerful states, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and
Golconda emerged on the scene, and that they combined to crush
Vijayanagara at the battle of Bannihatti, near Talikota, in 1565. After the
victory, the Deccani states resumed their old ways. Both Ahmadnagar and
Bijapur claimed Sholapur which was a rich and fertile tract. Neither wars nor
marriage alliances between the two could resolve the issue. Both the states
had the ambition of conquering Bidar. Ahmadnagar also wanted to annex
Berar in the north. In fact, as the descendants of the old Bahmani rulers, the
Nizam Shahis claimed a superior, if not a hegemonistic position in the
Deccan. Their territorial claims were contested not only by Bijapur, but also
by the rulers of Gujarat who had their eyes on the rich Konkan area, in
addition to Berar. The Gujarat rulers actively aided Berar against
Ahmadnagar, and even engaged in war against Ahmadnagar in order that the
existing balance of power in the Deccan was not upset. Bijapur and Golconda
clashed over the possession of Naldurg.
The Mughal conquest of Gujarat in 1572 created a new situation. The
conquest of Gujarat could have been a prelude to the Mughal conquest of the
Deccan. But Akbar was busy elsewhere and did not want, at that stage, to
interfere in the Deccan affairs. Ahmadnagar took advantage of the situation
to annex Berar. In fact, Ahmadnagar and Bijapur came to an agreement
whereby Bijapur was left free to expand its dominions in the south at the
expense of Vijayanagara, while Ahmadnagar overran Berar. Golconda, too,
was interested in extending its territories at the cost of Vijayanagara which
was divided into small nayakhoods. All the Deccani states were, thus,
expansionists.
Another feature of the situation was the growing importance of the
Marathas in the affairs of the Deccan. As we have seen, the Maratha troops
Page 2


FOURTEEN
The Deccan and South India (Up to 1656)
We have mentioned in an earlier chapter that following the break up of the
Bahmani kingdom, three powerful states, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and
Golconda emerged on the scene, and that they combined to crush
Vijayanagara at the battle of Bannihatti, near Talikota, in 1565. After the
victory, the Deccani states resumed their old ways. Both Ahmadnagar and
Bijapur claimed Sholapur which was a rich and fertile tract. Neither wars nor
marriage alliances between the two could resolve the issue. Both the states
had the ambition of conquering Bidar. Ahmadnagar also wanted to annex
Berar in the north. In fact, as the descendants of the old Bahmani rulers, the
Nizam Shahis claimed a superior, if not a hegemonistic position in the
Deccan. Their territorial claims were contested not only by Bijapur, but also
by the rulers of Gujarat who had their eyes on the rich Konkan area, in
addition to Berar. The Gujarat rulers actively aided Berar against
Ahmadnagar, and even engaged in war against Ahmadnagar in order that the
existing balance of power in the Deccan was not upset. Bijapur and Golconda
clashed over the possession of Naldurg.
The Mughal conquest of Gujarat in 1572 created a new situation. The
conquest of Gujarat could have been a prelude to the Mughal conquest of the
Deccan. But Akbar was busy elsewhere and did not want, at that stage, to
interfere in the Deccan affairs. Ahmadnagar took advantage of the situation
to annex Berar. In fact, Ahmadnagar and Bijapur came to an agreement
whereby Bijapur was left free to expand its dominions in the south at the
expense of Vijayanagara, while Ahmadnagar overran Berar. Golconda, too,
was interested in extending its territories at the cost of Vijayanagara which
was divided into small nayakhoods. All the Deccani states were, thus,
expansionists.
Another feature of the situation was the growing importance of the
Marathas in the affairs of the Deccan. As we have seen, the Maratha troops
had always been employed as loose auxiliaries or bargirs (usually called
bargis) in the Bahmani kingdom. The revenue affairs at the local level were in
the hands of the Deccani Brahmans. Some of the old Maratha families which
rose in the service of the Bahmani rulers and held mansabs and jagirs from
them were the More, Nimbalkar, Ghatge, etc. Most of them were powerful
zamindars, or deshmukhs as they were called in the Deccan. However, unlike
the Rajputs, none of them was an independent ruler, or ruled over a large
kingdom. Secondly, they were not the leaders of clans on whose backing and
support they could depend. Hence, many of the Maratha sardars appear to be
military adventurers who were prepared to shift their loyalty according to the
prevailing wind. Nevertheless, the Marathas formed the backbone of the
landed aristocracy of the Deccan and had a position similar to the one held by
the Rajputs in large parts of north India. During the middle of the sixteenth
century, the rulers of the Deccan states embarked upon a definite policy of
winning over the Marathas to their side. The Maratha chiefs were accorded
service and positions in all the three leading states of the Deccan. Ibrahim
Adil Shah of Bijapur who ascended the throne in 1535 was the leading
advocate of this policy. It is said that he entertained 30,000 Maratha
auxiliaries (bargis) in his army, and showed great favour to the Marathas in
the revenue system. He is supposed to have introduced Marathi in revenue
accounts at all levels. Apart from increasing his favours to old families, a few
other families such as the Bhonsales who had the family name of Ghorpade,
the Dafles (or Chavans), etc., also rose to prominence in Bijapur as a result of
this policy. Maharashtrian Brahmans were regularly used for diplomatic
negotiations as well. Thus the title of Peshwa was accorded to a Brahman,
Kankoji Narsi, by the rulers of Ahmadnagar. Marathas played an important
role in the states of Ahmadnagar and Golconda as well.
It will thus be seen that the policy of allying with local landed classes which
were military-minded had been initiated by the Deccani rulers even before
such a policy was implemented by the Mughals under Akbar.
MUGHAL ADVANCE TOWARDS THE DECCAN
It was logical to expect a Mughal advance towards the Deccan after the
Page 3


FOURTEEN
The Deccan and South India (Up to 1656)
We have mentioned in an earlier chapter that following the break up of the
Bahmani kingdom, three powerful states, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and
Golconda emerged on the scene, and that they combined to crush
Vijayanagara at the battle of Bannihatti, near Talikota, in 1565. After the
victory, the Deccani states resumed their old ways. Both Ahmadnagar and
Bijapur claimed Sholapur which was a rich and fertile tract. Neither wars nor
marriage alliances between the two could resolve the issue. Both the states
had the ambition of conquering Bidar. Ahmadnagar also wanted to annex
Berar in the north. In fact, as the descendants of the old Bahmani rulers, the
Nizam Shahis claimed a superior, if not a hegemonistic position in the
Deccan. Their territorial claims were contested not only by Bijapur, but also
by the rulers of Gujarat who had their eyes on the rich Konkan area, in
addition to Berar. The Gujarat rulers actively aided Berar against
Ahmadnagar, and even engaged in war against Ahmadnagar in order that the
existing balance of power in the Deccan was not upset. Bijapur and Golconda
clashed over the possession of Naldurg.
The Mughal conquest of Gujarat in 1572 created a new situation. The
conquest of Gujarat could have been a prelude to the Mughal conquest of the
Deccan. But Akbar was busy elsewhere and did not want, at that stage, to
interfere in the Deccan affairs. Ahmadnagar took advantage of the situation
to annex Berar. In fact, Ahmadnagar and Bijapur came to an agreement
whereby Bijapur was left free to expand its dominions in the south at the
expense of Vijayanagara, while Ahmadnagar overran Berar. Golconda, too,
was interested in extending its territories at the cost of Vijayanagara which
was divided into small nayakhoods. All the Deccani states were, thus,
expansionists.
Another feature of the situation was the growing importance of the
Marathas in the affairs of the Deccan. As we have seen, the Maratha troops
had always been employed as loose auxiliaries or bargirs (usually called
bargis) in the Bahmani kingdom. The revenue affairs at the local level were in
the hands of the Deccani Brahmans. Some of the old Maratha families which
rose in the service of the Bahmani rulers and held mansabs and jagirs from
them were the More, Nimbalkar, Ghatge, etc. Most of them were powerful
zamindars, or deshmukhs as they were called in the Deccan. However, unlike
the Rajputs, none of them was an independent ruler, or ruled over a large
kingdom. Secondly, they were not the leaders of clans on whose backing and
support they could depend. Hence, many of the Maratha sardars appear to be
military adventurers who were prepared to shift their loyalty according to the
prevailing wind. Nevertheless, the Marathas formed the backbone of the
landed aristocracy of the Deccan and had a position similar to the one held by
the Rajputs in large parts of north India. During the middle of the sixteenth
century, the rulers of the Deccan states embarked upon a definite policy of
winning over the Marathas to their side. The Maratha chiefs were accorded
service and positions in all the three leading states of the Deccan. Ibrahim
Adil Shah of Bijapur who ascended the throne in 1535 was the leading
advocate of this policy. It is said that he entertained 30,000 Maratha
auxiliaries (bargis) in his army, and showed great favour to the Marathas in
the revenue system. He is supposed to have introduced Marathi in revenue
accounts at all levels. Apart from increasing his favours to old families, a few
other families such as the Bhonsales who had the family name of Ghorpade,
the Dafles (or Chavans), etc., also rose to prominence in Bijapur as a result of
this policy. Maharashtrian Brahmans were regularly used for diplomatic
negotiations as well. Thus the title of Peshwa was accorded to a Brahman,
Kankoji Narsi, by the rulers of Ahmadnagar. Marathas played an important
role in the states of Ahmadnagar and Golconda as well.
It will thus be seen that the policy of allying with local landed classes which
were military-minded had been initiated by the Deccani rulers even before
such a policy was implemented by the Mughals under Akbar.
MUGHAL ADVANCE TOWARDS THE DECCAN
It was logical to expect a Mughal advance towards the Deccan after the
It was logical to expect a Mughal advance towards the Deccan after the
consolidation of the empire in north India. Although the Vindhyas divided
the north and the south, they were not an insurmountable barrier. Travellers,
merchandise, pilgrims and wandering saints had always passed between the
north and the south, making the two culturally one, though each had its own
distinctive cultural features. The conquest of the Deccan by the Tughlaqs and
the improved communications between the north and the south had let to a
strengthening of the commercial and cultural relations between the two. After
the decline of the Delhi Sultanat, many Sufi saints and persons in search of
employment had migrated to the court of the Bahmani rulers. Politically also,
the north and south were not isolated. As we have seen, the rulers of Gujarat
and Malwa in the west, and Orissa in the east had been continually involved
in the politics of south India. Hence, after the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat
in the 1560s and early 1570s, the Mughals could hardly have kept themselves
aloof from Deccan politics. In 1576, a Mughal army invaded Khandesh, and
compelled the ruler to submit. However, urgent matters called Akbar
elsewhere. For twelve years, between 1586 and 1598, Akbar lived at Lahore,
watching the northwestern situation. In the interval, affairs in the Deccan
deteriorated.
The Deccan was a seething cauldron of politics. War between the various
Deccani states was a frequent occurrence. The death of a ruler often led to
factional fights among the nobles, with each party trying to act as king-maker.
In this, hostility between the Deccanis and the newcomers (afaqis or gharibs)
found free play. Among the Deccanis, too, the Habshis (Abyssinians or
Africans) and Afghans formed separate groups. These groups and factions
had little contact with the life and culture of the people of the region. The
process of the assimilation of the Marathas into the military and political
system of the Deccani states which had started earlier did not make much
headway. The rulers and the nobles, therefore, commanded little loyalty from
the people.
The situation was worsened by sectarian conflicts and controversies.
Towards the beginning of the century, Shiism became the state religion of
Iran under a new dynasty called the Safavid dynasty. Shiism had been a
suppressed sect for a long time, and in the first flush of enthusiasm, the
votaries of the new sect indulged in a good deal of persecution of their
Page 4


FOURTEEN
The Deccan and South India (Up to 1656)
We have mentioned in an earlier chapter that following the break up of the
Bahmani kingdom, three powerful states, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and
Golconda emerged on the scene, and that they combined to crush
Vijayanagara at the battle of Bannihatti, near Talikota, in 1565. After the
victory, the Deccani states resumed their old ways. Both Ahmadnagar and
Bijapur claimed Sholapur which was a rich and fertile tract. Neither wars nor
marriage alliances between the two could resolve the issue. Both the states
had the ambition of conquering Bidar. Ahmadnagar also wanted to annex
Berar in the north. In fact, as the descendants of the old Bahmani rulers, the
Nizam Shahis claimed a superior, if not a hegemonistic position in the
Deccan. Their territorial claims were contested not only by Bijapur, but also
by the rulers of Gujarat who had their eyes on the rich Konkan area, in
addition to Berar. The Gujarat rulers actively aided Berar against
Ahmadnagar, and even engaged in war against Ahmadnagar in order that the
existing balance of power in the Deccan was not upset. Bijapur and Golconda
clashed over the possession of Naldurg.
The Mughal conquest of Gujarat in 1572 created a new situation. The
conquest of Gujarat could have been a prelude to the Mughal conquest of the
Deccan. But Akbar was busy elsewhere and did not want, at that stage, to
interfere in the Deccan affairs. Ahmadnagar took advantage of the situation
to annex Berar. In fact, Ahmadnagar and Bijapur came to an agreement
whereby Bijapur was left free to expand its dominions in the south at the
expense of Vijayanagara, while Ahmadnagar overran Berar. Golconda, too,
was interested in extending its territories at the cost of Vijayanagara which
was divided into small nayakhoods. All the Deccani states were, thus,
expansionists.
Another feature of the situation was the growing importance of the
Marathas in the affairs of the Deccan. As we have seen, the Maratha troops
had always been employed as loose auxiliaries or bargirs (usually called
bargis) in the Bahmani kingdom. The revenue affairs at the local level were in
the hands of the Deccani Brahmans. Some of the old Maratha families which
rose in the service of the Bahmani rulers and held mansabs and jagirs from
them were the More, Nimbalkar, Ghatge, etc. Most of them were powerful
zamindars, or deshmukhs as they were called in the Deccan. However, unlike
the Rajputs, none of them was an independent ruler, or ruled over a large
kingdom. Secondly, they were not the leaders of clans on whose backing and
support they could depend. Hence, many of the Maratha sardars appear to be
military adventurers who were prepared to shift their loyalty according to the
prevailing wind. Nevertheless, the Marathas formed the backbone of the
landed aristocracy of the Deccan and had a position similar to the one held by
the Rajputs in large parts of north India. During the middle of the sixteenth
century, the rulers of the Deccan states embarked upon a definite policy of
winning over the Marathas to their side. The Maratha chiefs were accorded
service and positions in all the three leading states of the Deccan. Ibrahim
Adil Shah of Bijapur who ascended the throne in 1535 was the leading
advocate of this policy. It is said that he entertained 30,000 Maratha
auxiliaries (bargis) in his army, and showed great favour to the Marathas in
the revenue system. He is supposed to have introduced Marathi in revenue
accounts at all levels. Apart from increasing his favours to old families, a few
other families such as the Bhonsales who had the family name of Ghorpade,
the Dafles (or Chavans), etc., also rose to prominence in Bijapur as a result of
this policy. Maharashtrian Brahmans were regularly used for diplomatic
negotiations as well. Thus the title of Peshwa was accorded to a Brahman,
Kankoji Narsi, by the rulers of Ahmadnagar. Marathas played an important
role in the states of Ahmadnagar and Golconda as well.
It will thus be seen that the policy of allying with local landed classes which
were military-minded had been initiated by the Deccani rulers even before
such a policy was implemented by the Mughals under Akbar.
MUGHAL ADVANCE TOWARDS THE DECCAN
It was logical to expect a Mughal advance towards the Deccan after the
It was logical to expect a Mughal advance towards the Deccan after the
consolidation of the empire in north India. Although the Vindhyas divided
the north and the south, they were not an insurmountable barrier. Travellers,
merchandise, pilgrims and wandering saints had always passed between the
north and the south, making the two culturally one, though each had its own
distinctive cultural features. The conquest of the Deccan by the Tughlaqs and
the improved communications between the north and the south had let to a
strengthening of the commercial and cultural relations between the two. After
the decline of the Delhi Sultanat, many Sufi saints and persons in search of
employment had migrated to the court of the Bahmani rulers. Politically also,
the north and south were not isolated. As we have seen, the rulers of Gujarat
and Malwa in the west, and Orissa in the east had been continually involved
in the politics of south India. Hence, after the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat
in the 1560s and early 1570s, the Mughals could hardly have kept themselves
aloof from Deccan politics. In 1576, a Mughal army invaded Khandesh, and
compelled the ruler to submit. However, urgent matters called Akbar
elsewhere. For twelve years, between 1586 and 1598, Akbar lived at Lahore,
watching the northwestern situation. In the interval, affairs in the Deccan
deteriorated.
The Deccan was a seething cauldron of politics. War between the various
Deccani states was a frequent occurrence. The death of a ruler often led to
factional fights among the nobles, with each party trying to act as king-maker.
In this, hostility between the Deccanis and the newcomers (afaqis or gharibs)
found free play. Among the Deccanis, too, the Habshis (Abyssinians or
Africans) and Afghans formed separate groups. These groups and factions
had little contact with the life and culture of the people of the region. The
process of the assimilation of the Marathas into the military and political
system of the Deccani states which had started earlier did not make much
headway. The rulers and the nobles, therefore, commanded little loyalty from
the people.
The situation was worsened by sectarian conflicts and controversies.
Towards the beginning of the century, Shiism became the state religion of
Iran under a new dynasty called the Safavid dynasty. Shiism had been a
suppressed sect for a long time, and in the first flush of enthusiasm, the
votaries of the new sect indulged in a good deal of persecution of their
erstwhile opponents. As a result, members of many eminent families fled to
India and sought shelter at the court of Akbar who made no distinction
between Shias and Sunnis. Some of the Deccani states, notably Golconda,
adopted Shiism as a state creed. At the courts of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar,
too, the Shiite party was strong, but was able to prevail only from time to
time. This resulted in heightened party strife.
Mahdawi ideas had also spread widely in the Deccan. The Muslims
believed that in every epoch a man from the family of the Prophet will make
an appearance and will strengthen the religion, and make justice triumph.
Such a person was called the Mahdi. Although many Mahdis had appeared in
different countries at different times, the end of the first millennium of Islam,
which was due towards the end of the sixteenth century, had raised
expectations throughout the Islamic world. In India, one Saiyid Muhammad,
who was born at Jaunpur in the first half of the fifteenth century, proclaimed
himself to be the Mahdi. Saiyid Muhammad travelled widely all over India
and in the Islamic world, and created great enthusiasm. He established his
dairas (circles) in different parts of the country, including the Deccan where
his ideas found a fertile soil. The orthodox elements were as bitterly opposed
to Mahdawism as to Shiism, though there was no love lost between the two. It
was in this context that Akbar had put forward the concept of sulh-kul. He
was afraid that the bitter sectarian rivalries prevailing in the Deccani states
would spill over into the Mughal empire.
Akbar was also apprehensive of the growing power of the Portuguese. The
Portuguese had been interfering in pilgrim traffic to Mecca, not sparing even
the royal ladies. In their territories, they carried out proselytizing activities
which Akbar disliked. They were constantly trying to expand their positions
on the mainland, and had even tried to lay their hand on Surat which was
saved by the timely arrival of a Mughal commander. Akbar apparently felt
that the coordination and pooling of the resources of the Deccani states under
Mughal supervision would check, if not eliminate, the Portuguese danger.
These were some of the factors which impelled Akbar to involve himself in
the Deccani affairs.
CONQUEST OF BERAR, AHMADNAGAR AND KHANDESH
Page 5


FOURTEEN
The Deccan and South India (Up to 1656)
We have mentioned in an earlier chapter that following the break up of the
Bahmani kingdom, three powerful states, Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and
Golconda emerged on the scene, and that they combined to crush
Vijayanagara at the battle of Bannihatti, near Talikota, in 1565. After the
victory, the Deccani states resumed their old ways. Both Ahmadnagar and
Bijapur claimed Sholapur which was a rich and fertile tract. Neither wars nor
marriage alliances between the two could resolve the issue. Both the states
had the ambition of conquering Bidar. Ahmadnagar also wanted to annex
Berar in the north. In fact, as the descendants of the old Bahmani rulers, the
Nizam Shahis claimed a superior, if not a hegemonistic position in the
Deccan. Their territorial claims were contested not only by Bijapur, but also
by the rulers of Gujarat who had their eyes on the rich Konkan area, in
addition to Berar. The Gujarat rulers actively aided Berar against
Ahmadnagar, and even engaged in war against Ahmadnagar in order that the
existing balance of power in the Deccan was not upset. Bijapur and Golconda
clashed over the possession of Naldurg.
The Mughal conquest of Gujarat in 1572 created a new situation. The
conquest of Gujarat could have been a prelude to the Mughal conquest of the
Deccan. But Akbar was busy elsewhere and did not want, at that stage, to
interfere in the Deccan affairs. Ahmadnagar took advantage of the situation
to annex Berar. In fact, Ahmadnagar and Bijapur came to an agreement
whereby Bijapur was left free to expand its dominions in the south at the
expense of Vijayanagara, while Ahmadnagar overran Berar. Golconda, too,
was interested in extending its territories at the cost of Vijayanagara which
was divided into small nayakhoods. All the Deccani states were, thus,
expansionists.
Another feature of the situation was the growing importance of the
Marathas in the affairs of the Deccan. As we have seen, the Maratha troops
had always been employed as loose auxiliaries or bargirs (usually called
bargis) in the Bahmani kingdom. The revenue affairs at the local level were in
the hands of the Deccani Brahmans. Some of the old Maratha families which
rose in the service of the Bahmani rulers and held mansabs and jagirs from
them were the More, Nimbalkar, Ghatge, etc. Most of them were powerful
zamindars, or deshmukhs as they were called in the Deccan. However, unlike
the Rajputs, none of them was an independent ruler, or ruled over a large
kingdom. Secondly, they were not the leaders of clans on whose backing and
support they could depend. Hence, many of the Maratha sardars appear to be
military adventurers who were prepared to shift their loyalty according to the
prevailing wind. Nevertheless, the Marathas formed the backbone of the
landed aristocracy of the Deccan and had a position similar to the one held by
the Rajputs in large parts of north India. During the middle of the sixteenth
century, the rulers of the Deccan states embarked upon a definite policy of
winning over the Marathas to their side. The Maratha chiefs were accorded
service and positions in all the three leading states of the Deccan. Ibrahim
Adil Shah of Bijapur who ascended the throne in 1535 was the leading
advocate of this policy. It is said that he entertained 30,000 Maratha
auxiliaries (bargis) in his army, and showed great favour to the Marathas in
the revenue system. He is supposed to have introduced Marathi in revenue
accounts at all levels. Apart from increasing his favours to old families, a few
other families such as the Bhonsales who had the family name of Ghorpade,
the Dafles (or Chavans), etc., also rose to prominence in Bijapur as a result of
this policy. Maharashtrian Brahmans were regularly used for diplomatic
negotiations as well. Thus the title of Peshwa was accorded to a Brahman,
Kankoji Narsi, by the rulers of Ahmadnagar. Marathas played an important
role in the states of Ahmadnagar and Golconda as well.
It will thus be seen that the policy of allying with local landed classes which
were military-minded had been initiated by the Deccani rulers even before
such a policy was implemented by the Mughals under Akbar.
MUGHAL ADVANCE TOWARDS THE DECCAN
It was logical to expect a Mughal advance towards the Deccan after the
It was logical to expect a Mughal advance towards the Deccan after the
consolidation of the empire in north India. Although the Vindhyas divided
the north and the south, they were not an insurmountable barrier. Travellers,
merchandise, pilgrims and wandering saints had always passed between the
north and the south, making the two culturally one, though each had its own
distinctive cultural features. The conquest of the Deccan by the Tughlaqs and
the improved communications between the north and the south had let to a
strengthening of the commercial and cultural relations between the two. After
the decline of the Delhi Sultanat, many Sufi saints and persons in search of
employment had migrated to the court of the Bahmani rulers. Politically also,
the north and south were not isolated. As we have seen, the rulers of Gujarat
and Malwa in the west, and Orissa in the east had been continually involved
in the politics of south India. Hence, after the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat
in the 1560s and early 1570s, the Mughals could hardly have kept themselves
aloof from Deccan politics. In 1576, a Mughal army invaded Khandesh, and
compelled the ruler to submit. However, urgent matters called Akbar
elsewhere. For twelve years, between 1586 and 1598, Akbar lived at Lahore,
watching the northwestern situation. In the interval, affairs in the Deccan
deteriorated.
The Deccan was a seething cauldron of politics. War between the various
Deccani states was a frequent occurrence. The death of a ruler often led to
factional fights among the nobles, with each party trying to act as king-maker.
In this, hostility between the Deccanis and the newcomers (afaqis or gharibs)
found free play. Among the Deccanis, too, the Habshis (Abyssinians or
Africans) and Afghans formed separate groups. These groups and factions
had little contact with the life and culture of the people of the region. The
process of the assimilation of the Marathas into the military and political
system of the Deccani states which had started earlier did not make much
headway. The rulers and the nobles, therefore, commanded little loyalty from
the people.
The situation was worsened by sectarian conflicts and controversies.
Towards the beginning of the century, Shiism became the state religion of
Iran under a new dynasty called the Safavid dynasty. Shiism had been a
suppressed sect for a long time, and in the first flush of enthusiasm, the
votaries of the new sect indulged in a good deal of persecution of their
erstwhile opponents. As a result, members of many eminent families fled to
India and sought shelter at the court of Akbar who made no distinction
between Shias and Sunnis. Some of the Deccani states, notably Golconda,
adopted Shiism as a state creed. At the courts of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar,
too, the Shiite party was strong, but was able to prevail only from time to
time. This resulted in heightened party strife.
Mahdawi ideas had also spread widely in the Deccan. The Muslims
believed that in every epoch a man from the family of the Prophet will make
an appearance and will strengthen the religion, and make justice triumph.
Such a person was called the Mahdi. Although many Mahdis had appeared in
different countries at different times, the end of the first millennium of Islam,
which was due towards the end of the sixteenth century, had raised
expectations throughout the Islamic world. In India, one Saiyid Muhammad,
who was born at Jaunpur in the first half of the fifteenth century, proclaimed
himself to be the Mahdi. Saiyid Muhammad travelled widely all over India
and in the Islamic world, and created great enthusiasm. He established his
dairas (circles) in different parts of the country, including the Deccan where
his ideas found a fertile soil. The orthodox elements were as bitterly opposed
to Mahdawism as to Shiism, though there was no love lost between the two. It
was in this context that Akbar had put forward the concept of sulh-kul. He
was afraid that the bitter sectarian rivalries prevailing in the Deccani states
would spill over into the Mughal empire.
Akbar was also apprehensive of the growing power of the Portuguese. The
Portuguese had been interfering in pilgrim traffic to Mecca, not sparing even
the royal ladies. In their territories, they carried out proselytizing activities
which Akbar disliked. They were constantly trying to expand their positions
on the mainland, and had even tried to lay their hand on Surat which was
saved by the timely arrival of a Mughal commander. Akbar apparently felt
that the coordination and pooling of the resources of the Deccani states under
Mughal supervision would check, if not eliminate, the Portuguese danger.
These were some of the factors which impelled Akbar to involve himself in
the Deccani affairs.
CONQUEST OF BERAR, AHMADNAGAR AND KHANDESH
Akbar claimed suzerainty over the entire country. He was, therefore, keen
that like the Rajputs, the rulers of the Deccani states should acknowledge his
suzerainty. Embassies sent by him earlier suggesting that the Deccani states
recognise his over-lordship and be friends with him, did not, however,
produce any positive results. It was obvious that the Deccani states would not
accept Mughal suzerainty till the Mughals were in a position to exert military
pressure on them.
In 1591, Akbar launched a diplomatic offensive. He sent embassies to all
the Deccani states ‘inviting’ them to accept Mughal suzerainty. As might have
been expected, none of the states accepted this demand, the only exception
being Khandesh which was too near and exposed to the Mughals to resist.
Burhan Nizam Shah, the ruler of Ahmadnagar, was rude to the Mughal
envoy; the others only made promises of friendship. It seemed that Akbar was
on the verge of making a definite move in the Deccan. The necessary
opportunity was provided to him when factional fighting broke out among
the Nizam Shahi nobles following the death of Burhan in 1595. There were
four candidates for the throne, backed by different parties. The strongest
claim was that of Bahadur, son of the deceased ruler. Ibrahim Adil Shah II,
the ruler of Bijapur, was inclined to support Bahadur’s claim. Chand Bibi was
the sister of Burhan, and the widow of the former ruler of Bijapur who was
Ibrahim Adil Shah’s uncle. She was a remarkable woman and had virtually
ruled Bijapur for almost ten years when Ibrahim Adil Shah was a minor. She
had gone to Ahmadnagar to condole the death of her brother Burhan, but she
stayed on to take up with vigour the cause of her nephew, Bahadur, who was a
minor. It was against this background that the leaders of the rival party, the
Deccanis, invited the Mughals to intervene. The struggle which now began
was really a struggle between Bijapur and the Mughals for the domination of
Ahmadnagar state.
The Mughal invasion was led by prince Murad, who was the governor of
Gujarat, and by Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan. The ruler of Khandesh was
asked to cooperate. Due to factional fights among the Ahmadnagar nobles,
the Mughals encountered little opposition till they reached the capital,
Ahmadnagar. Chand Bibi shut herself up in the fort with the boy king,
Bahadur. After a close siege of four months in which Chand Bibi played a
valiant role, the two sides came to an agreement. They agreed to cede Berar to