The Transition to Food Production: Neolithic, Neolithic– Chalcolithic, and Chalcolithic Villages, c. 7000–2000 BCE | Famous Books for UPSC Exam (Summary & Tests) PDF Download

Kachi Plain: An Overview

• The Kachi plain, located in the Baluchistan province of Pakistan, is characterized by its arid and mountainous landscape, along with an extreme climate. At first glance, it may seem like a challenging place for people to live.
• The higher valleys in this region are often covered with snow for up to two months each year. Rainfall is limited, usually not exceeding 10 centimeters per year, and most of it occurs during the winter months.

Prosperous Villages and Trade Routes

• Despite the harsh conditions, the river valleys within the Kachi plain are home to many thriving villages.
• A significant trade route runs through this area, connecting the Indus valley with Central Asia.

Inhabitants and Lifestyle

• The Kachi plain is inhabited by pastoral nomads and agriculturalists.
• There is an abundance of wild cereals and game in the region.
• Farmers in the area dam non-perennial streams to irrigate their fields, primarily growing wheat, which makes the Kachi plain the "bread basket" of Baluchistan.

Archaeological Significance

• The Kachi plain is also rich in ancient archaeological sites, with a history that dates back thousands of years.

Discovery of Mehrgarh

• In 1968, Sardar Ghaus Baksh Raisini, drawing attention to a mound near his winter residence along the Bolan River, sparked interest among archaeologists.
• This led to excavations at the site of Mehrgarh in 1974, conducted by a French archaeological mission in collaboration with Pakistan's Department of Archaeology.
• Over a decade, these excavations profoundly changed the understanding of agriculture's beginnings in the subcontinent.

Early Agricultural Villages and Domestication

• The earliest agricultural villages are believed to have emerged around 8000–6000 BCE in West Asia, where wheat and barley farming began, along with the domestication of sheep and goats.
• Notable early neolithic villages include Jericho and ‘Ain Ghazal in Jordan, Tepe Guran and Ali Kosh in Iran, Çatal Hüyük in Turkey, and Cayonu in north Syria.

Evidence from Southeast Asia and Mehrgarh

• Excavations at the Spirit Cave in Thailand revealed a variety of plant species, suggesting a community engaged in more than just food gathering.
• The findings at Mehrgarh, indicating the cultivation of barley and wheat and the domestication of cattle, sheep, and goats, positioned Baluchistan as an early agriculture center in South Asia.
• There is also potential evidence for early rice cultivation in northern Uttar Pradesh, India.

Independent Centers of Early Agriculture

• The evidence from these various zones of early agriculture suggests they developed independently, without direct connections between them.
• Therefore, they should be considered distinct centers of early agricultural activity.

Expansion of Domestication Across the Globe

• Hemudu, South China (Late 6th–Early 5th Millennia BCE): Evidence of rice cultivation and the domestication of water buffalo, dogs, and pigs.
• Mexico (By 5000 BCE): Cultivation of corn, beans, squash, gourds, avocados, and chili peppers, along with the domestication of turkeys, dogs, and honeybees.
• Peruvian Highlands (Around the Same Time as Mexico): Cultivation of beans, gourds, tomatoes, and potatoes, with possible domestication of llamas and alpacas.
• Sub-Saharan Africa: Establishment of cultivation for finger millet, sorghum, rice, teff, and yams, and the domestication of sheep, goats, and cattle in various ecological niches.

• Primary vs. Secondary Domestication: Domestication of plants and animals primarily occurred in areas where the species were native. However, this practice quickly spread to secondary areas of domestication in different parts of the world.

The Neolithic Age and the Beginnings of Food Production

Domestication Process: The domestication of animals and plants was the result of a long series of collective experiments involving many generations of people over hundreds or even thousands of years. It was a gradual process that required critical choices and changes in food procurement strategies.

Early Stages: Archaeological evidence captures a late stage in the domestication of animals and plants, indicating that the process was already well underway at that time. However, many details about how this transition occurred are still unknown.

Transition from Hunting-Gathering to Domestication: Despite the missing details, it is possible to reconstruct various aspects of the transition from hunting-gathering to domestication in different parts of the world based on available evidence. This transition marked a significant achievement in human history and set the stage for the development of agriculture and settled societies.

Centres of Agriculture

The process of domestication involved a significant change in how humans interacted with nature, marking a new phase in the relationship between people, plants, and animals. This process entailed taking plants and animals from their natural environments and selectively breeding and raising them under human control for human benefit. It is important to distinguish between plant collection and plant domestication, as well as between animal keeping and animal domestication.

• When all harvested grain is consumed, it represents a stage of food collection. However, if some grain is set aside after harvesting and intentionally planted later, this signifies plant domestication. Similarly, when certain animal species are captured and kept, it is a stage of animal keeping. Animal breeding or domestication occurs when wild animals are taken from their natural habitats and raised under human control for profit.
• There was a gradual shift from hunting and gathering to animal rearing and agriculture. The transition from simple foraging to complex foraging, involving intensive exploitation of wild plants, laid the groundwork for plant domestication. This progressed to early agriculture and eventually to developed agriculture. Over time, these shifts were linked to technological advancements, increased food availability, population growth, larger human settlements, and more complex social and political structures.
• A long period likely passed between the initial domestication of plants and animals in an area and the increased dependence of people on these resources for food. Societies could be distinguished based on the amount of food obtained through animal and plant domestication. Food-producing societies are those that meet at least half of their food needs for part of the year through domestication, where animals and plants are not bound to their natural habitats.

The Neolithic Age marks a significant turning point in human history, characterized by advancements in stone tool technology and the transition to food production. During this period, people began making ground, pecked, and polished stone tools, reflecting a shift in subsistence strategies.

Other notable developments of the Neolithic phase include the invention of pottery, increased sedentary living, the formation of small and relatively self-sufficient village communities, and a division of labor based on sex. V. Gordon Childe coined the term "Neolithic Revolution" to emphasize the profound impact of these changes. However, it is important to note that this revolution was gradual, occurring multiple times in different regions with varying features and outcomes.

Why Domestication?

After thousands of years of hunting and gathering, what prompted certain groups of people to start domesticating animals and plants? One of the earliest attempts to answer this question was made by V. Gordon Childe (1952), who suggested that environmental changes at the end of the Pleistocene were the catalyst for food production. Childe argued that around 10,000 years ago, the climate in parts of West Asia became drier due to a northward shift of summer rains. This drying up led to a concentration of people, plants, and animals near water resources such as rivers and oases. This enforced proximity eventually fostered new relationships of dependence between humans, plants, and animals, resulting in domestication.

However, Childe's theory was challenged by Robert J. Braidwood (1960), who disagreed with the emphasis on environmental change as the key factor leading to agriculture. Braidwood pointed out that environmental changes had also occurred during the Pleistocene without resulting in agriculture. He proposed that domestication occurred in specific nuclear zones rich in wild plants and animals with domestication potential. In these areas, domestication was a natural outcome of human experimentation and a deeper understanding of the environment.

Braidwood's theory, however, did not adequately explain the pressures or incentives that might have driven domestication. There is ethnographic evidence of hunting-gathering communities with a deep knowledge of their environment and awareness of agriculture, yet they do not see the need to adopt it. There must be compelling reasons for a community to drastically change its way of life.

Braidwood's theory was further critiqued by Lewis R. Binford (1968), who argued that it lacked archaeological testability and that specific, concrete factors could explain the beginnings of agriculture. Binford suggested that in stable environments with a balance between human population and food resources, communities do not seek new food sources or strategies. Such groups tend to live below the resource potential of their environment.

Binford identified two types of demographic stress that could disrupt the balance between people and food: internal demographic stress (increase in community population) and external demographic stress (immigration into an area by people from another area)

Binford's View on Agriculture Origins

• Binford believed that demographic stress was a key factor in the origin of agriculture. He suggested that at the end of the Pleistocene, rising sea levels forced coastal populations to migrate inland, disrupting the balance between people and food in those areas.
• This disruption, according to Binford, triggered the need for new strategies to increase food supplies.
• However, there is a lack of evidence to support the idea of mass migration from coastal areas to inland regions at the end of the Pleistocene.
• While internal demographic stress might have played a role in some areas, it raises the question of whether we can truly speak of 'overpopulation' and 'food crisis' during times when human communities were small and resources were abundant.

Kent Flannery's Perspective

• In 1969, Kent Flannery shifted the focus from searching for a specific event that led to the beginnings of food production to examining the process of food production itself.
• He emphasized the adaptive advantages of plant and animal domestication over foraging and hunting. Flannery distinguished between two types of food procurement systems: negative and positive feedback systems.
• Negative Feedback Systems : These systems involve a balanced exploitation and use of various food resources within an area, discouraging any change.
• Positive Feedback Systems : In these systems, the productivity of resources actually increases as a result of human interference and exploitation.
• For example, when people transplanted maize from its natural habitat to other areas, the plants responded to domestication with changes such as increased cob size and grain number.
• Genetic changes from cross-fertilization enhanced maize productivity, leading people to focus more on its domestication.
• While Flannery's hypothesis explains why agriculture became more advantageous than food gathering, it does not clarify why initial experiments in domestication were undertaken in the first place.

Environmental Change and Early Agriculture

• Recent studies suggest that environmental change, particularly the onset of a milder, warmer, and wetter climate during the Holocene, played a crucial role in the development of early agriculture.
• The extinction of big game in Europe was not a significant factor in regions of early agriculture like West Asia, where animals such as gazelles, wild cattle, onagers, deer, and wild goats remained important sources of meat.
• The changing climate may have expanded the natural habitat of wild cereals, contributing to the shift towards agriculture.

Origins of Domestication: The process of domestication for animals and plants was likely a slow and gradual one, and it might have varied in pace and detail across different regions. The evidence we have is limited, and it’s possible that we may never fully understand the specifics or the motivations behind domestication. Additionally, archaeological findings often lack concrete information about the social and political factors that could have played a significant role in these complex cultural processes.

Different Factors in Different Regions: Instead of pinpointing a single cause for the origins of domestication, it’s more important to track how the process unfolded in various regions. Given the differences in ecology and resources among the early centers of plant and animal domestication, it’s likely that different factors were at play in different parts of the world.

Identifying Domestication and Food Production in Archaeology

Domestication of Animals

• Over time, domestication causes specific changes in the form of animals.
• Early domesticated animals are usually smaller than their wild relatives.
• As conditions improve, such as better feeding and breeding, their size can increase.
• Other changes include:
• Shortening of the face relative to the skull.
• Alterations in dental structure, like smaller teeth and the possible loss of certain teeth.
• Reduction in the size of horns.
• Changes in hair length and coloration.
• Domesticated cattle show weak muscle ridges and poorly defined joint facets, while draught animals may exhibit strengthened muscles.

Early Stages of Domestication

• Morphological changes indicative of domestication take a long time to manifest. For instance, it took thousands of years for horses to show such changes, while cattle, goats, and sheep exhibited them more quickly.
• Once these changes are evident, scientists can analyze animal bones and teeth from archaeological sites to determine whether an animal was wild or domesticated.
• The presence of wild or transitional forms at a site can aid in identifying domesticated varieties.

Other Indicators of Domestication

• Animals found outside their natural habitats, such as mountain goats in the plains, suggest domestication.
• Age and sex ratios in faunal assemblages provide clues, as domesticated animals have different male-female ratios compared to wild ones.

Domestication of Plants

• Over time, domesticated plants undergo morphological changes, such as smaller grain sizes in domesticated wheat and barley.
• Wild varieties have brittle ears and fragile spikes, while domesticated varieties have stronger ears that break apart during threshing.
• However, root crops like potatoes and yams are less likely to be recognized in the archaeological record due to their lack of hard parts and asexual reproduction, which leads to less genetic change during domestication.

Evidence of Plant and Animal Domestication

Direct Evidence:

• Grains and Seeds: Analysis of carbonized grains or seeds found at archaeological sites can provide direct evidence of plant domestication. Carbonization occurs when these materials come into contact with fire.
• Impressions: Impressions of grain or husk on clay or pottery fragments can also indicate domestication.

Indirect Evidence:

• Art Remains: Depictions of people capturing or tending animals, harvesting grain, or processing food in art remains can suggest domestication, but they are not conclusive. For example, capturing animals could indicate hunting, while harvesting grain could be compatible with food collection.
• Artefacts and Tools: Tools such as grinding stones and sickles are sometimes considered indicative of plant domestication. However, grinding stones could be used for grinding wild grain, and sickles could be used for reaping wild plants.
• Natural Science Evidence: Analysis of pollen grains, molluscs, insect remains, and other natural science data can indicate changes in land use and indirectly suggest the presence or absence of agriculture.

Food-Producing Status: Determining the food-producing status of a community is challenging and subjective. Some sites provide clear evidence of animal and/or plant domestication in the subsistence base, while others lack sufficient evidence for assessment.

Neolithic Sites in the Indian Subcontinent: Many sites in the Indian subcontinent are labeled as ‘neolithic’ primarily based on the presence of ground and polished stone tools, without definitive evidence of domestication.

Study of Ancient Plant Remains

The study of ancient plant remains, known as palaeobotany or archaeobotany, involves examining botanical remnants from historical sites. These remains can be categorized into macro-botanical and micro-botanical evidence.

Macro-Botanical Remains

• Macro-botanical remains, such as seeds and grains, can be preserved through desiccation, waterlogging, or charring.
• While these remains can be collected manually during excavations, this method risks damaging them and missing smaller fragments. A more effective approach is the flotation technique.

Flotation Technique

• The flotation technique involves pouring dried carbonized plant material along with its soil matrix into a liquid medium, such as water.
• In this process, the inorganic material sinks to the bottom, while the carbonized seeds float to the surface, making them easier to retrieve.
• Once collected, these seeds are analyzed under microscopes to identify the plant types and determine whether they were wild or domesticated.

Micro-Botanical Remains

• Micro-botanical remains, such as phytoliths and plant parenchyma, can provide insights into the differentiation between wild and domesticated plant species.
• Phytoliths are tiny silica particles found in specific parts of a plant, and their recovery from a site can aid in this differentiation.
• Similarly, the analysis of plant parenchyma, which consists of roundish, thin-walled cells in a plant stem or fruit pulp, can serve a similar purpose.

Palynology

• Palynology, the study of pollen and spores, is another crucial technique in analyzing ancient plant remains.
• Pollen, the reproductive bodies of flowering plants, can survive for thousands of years due to their robust outer shell. By examining pollen grains under microscopes, scientists can identify the plant species they originate from.
• Changes in pollen profiles across different archaeological layers can indicate climatic shifts, forest clearance, or agricultural practices.

Advanced Techniques

• Recent advancements, such as accelerator mass spectrometric (AMS) dating of squash seeds and maize cobs and DNA studies to analyze plant genotypes, are still primarily used in the West.
• These techniques can establish links between domesticated and wild plant species and identify the regions where wild progenitors of domesticated species were originally found.

The Transition to Food Production in the Indian Subcontinent

The neolithic age is commonly linked with food production, pottery, and settled living. However, the situation is more intricate in the Indian subcontinent. Some aspects associated with the neolithic period actually have their origins in the earlier mesolithic phase. For instance, there is evidence of pottery and animal domestication at certain mesolithic sites. Conversely, there are neolithic sites that lack pottery.

Sedentism, or settled living, is also a complicated issue. Some mesolithic hunter-gatherer communities were quite sedentary, while some groups practicing animal or plant domestication were not very settled. Instead of viewing sedentary and nomadic lifestyles as opposites, it is important to recognize the different degrees of sedentism in various communities.

The shift to animal and plant domestication did not signify the end of hunting and gathering. Communities engaged in animal rearing and agriculture often continued to hunt and forage for food. Additionally, there were many communities that maintained their hunting-gathering lifestyle and never transitioned to domestication. However, this chapter focuses on those communities that did make the transition.

Given the vast ecological diversity in the subcontinent—particularly in terms of climate, soil, and the availability of plant and animal species suitable for domestication—it is not surprising that early pastoralists and agriculturists adapted in various ways.

The chapter emphasizes the beginnings of food production rather than the neolithic per se because food production is the most significant aspect of the neolithic phase. Furthermore, the history of early food-producing settlements in the subcontinent features different regional profiles and trajectories. In some regions, like the northern fringes of the Vindhyas, food-producing neolithic culture evolved from an earlier mesolithic phase. In other areas, such as the north-west, there is no evidence of a mesolithic phase, and the earliest settlements appear to be those of neolithic agriculturists and pastoralists.

While there are 'pure neolithic' sites, many more neolithic–chalcolithic cultures exhibit elements of the neolithic alongside the use of metal, primarily copper. In certain parts of the subcontinent, like Rajasthan, there is currently little evidence of a neolithic or neolithic–chalcolithic stage, and the earliest sedentary communities seem to appear in a fully developed chalcolithic context.

To effectively convey the intricate and diverse cultural landscape over a vast period, the discussion on food-producing agricultural–pastoral communities in the subcontinent is divided into three overlapping phases:

• Phase I—c. 7000–3000 BCE
• Phase II—c. 3000–2000 BCE
• Phase III—c. 2000–1000 BCE onwards

The first two phases are elaborated in this chapter, while Phase III will be addressed in Chapter 5. For sites with a prolonged cultural sequence, only the earliest phases within the first two chronological phases are discussed here; the later phases will be covered in Chapter 5.

The various geographical zones of early food-producing communities are examined in terms of their chronology, general features, and specific traits, set against the backdrop of the cultural sequence of each area.

The Earliest Village Settlements in the Indian Subcontinent, c. 7000–3000 BCE

The North-West

Sites in Baluchistan demonstrate the transition from a semi-nomadic pastoral lifestyle to settled agriculture. The most ancient and well-documented evidence comes from Mehrgarh, situated in the Bolan valley within the northern Kachi plain. This site lies near the point where the river flows out of the hills through the Bolan pass. The Bolan valley historically served as a crucial link between the Indus plains and the mountainous regions of north Baluchistan, facilitating the movement of people and animals from early times.

Excavations at Mehrgarh uncovered remnants of ancient settlements spread over approximately 200 hectares on a low mound and the adjacent plain. Researchers identified seven occupational levels, providing compelling evidence of continuous habitation along with cultural continuity and change over millennia. The first six levels, referred to as Periods I to VI, are particularly relevant to our discussion.

Periods I and II at Mehrgarh are classified as Neolithic, despite the presence of a small amount of copper. The remains from Period I, further divided into Periods IA and IB, were found in an 11-meter-thick deposit at the northern end of the site, on the elevated bank of the Bolan river. The dating of this phase is somewhat problematic due to inconsistent radiocarbon results, with most dates ranging between 6000 and 5500 BP (approximately 5000 BCE, calibrated). The challenge lies in the fact that while Period I appears to be earlier, the evidence from the site is not entirely conclusive.

Radiocarbon dates for the middle levels of Period IA at Mehrgarh typically range from 5800 to 5530 BP. However, there are also some earlier radiocarbon dates, such as 9385 ± 120 BP for Period IA, 7115 ± 120 BP for Period IIB, and 6500 ± 80 BP for Period III. These earlier dates help establish a coherent chronological framework for the Mehrgarh neolithic sequence from the 8th to 6th millennia BCE.

Houses and Structures

Period I: People lived in houses made of handmade mud-bricks with small, rectangular rooms. Some structures may have served as granaries. Period IA: A room measuring 2 × 1.8 m had reed impressions on the floor and a grinding stone. Bricks: Walls were made of standardized bricks with rounded ends and finger impressions on the upper surface.

Tools and Artifacts

Stone Tools: Thousands of microliths based on blades, along with a few ground neolithic handaxes (celts). Some blades were set into wooden handles with bitumen, possibly used as sickles for harvesting grain. Grinding Stones: Indicate food processing activities. Other Stone Objects: Vessels, perforated discs, and spatulae with criss-cross designs. Bone Tools: Needles and awls made from bone. Figurines: A handmade clay female figurine was found. Pottery: Mehrgarh I was mostly a-ceramic, with the first pottery appearing in Period IB.

Burials and Grave Goods

Burial Practices: Dead bodies were buried in oval pits in a flexed position, often covered with red ochre. Young goats were placed near the feet in some burials. Grave Goods: Included bitumen-lined baskets, food offerings, and ornaments such as necklaces made of stone or shell beads, bone pendants, and anklets. A copper bead was found in one burial. Exotic Items: Turquoise and lapis lazuli beads were discovered, indicating long-distance exchange. Lapis lazuli may have come from the Chagai hills in north Baluchistan or Afghanistan, while turquoise could have originated from eastern Iran or central Asia. Marine shells, sourced from the Makran coast about 500 km away, were also found in graves.

Period I: Burials and Grave Goods

• A graveyard with 150 burials was discovered, covering over 220 square meters.
• The burials were more elaborate than in earlier periods.
• In some cases, a small niche was cut into the side of a pit, and the body along with grave goods was placed inside.
• The niche was then sealed with a mud-brick wall, and the pit was filled.
• Copper beads were found in some burials.
• There were instances of double burials and secondary burials, where bones were collected and reburied after exposure to the elements.
• The significance of these changes in burial practices is not clear.

Period II: Settlement Expansion and Craft Activities

Period II A (c. 6000–4500 BCE)

• The settlement at Mehrgarh expanded, with the construction of mud-brick structures divided into small compartments.
• Some compartments were likely used for storage, as indicated by the discovery of barley seeds in rooms that may have stored grain.
• Stone and bone tool types from Period I continued to be used.
• Two sickles made of microliths hafted onto a bitumen matrix were found.
• Microwear studies of stone tools from Period IIA suggest they were used for processing animal products, including butchery, cooking, hide processing, and making bone artifacts.
• Handmade pottery was present in the early part of Period II, while wheel-made pottery appeared in Period IIC.
• In Period IIB, a copper ring, bead, and a small ingot of copper were discovered.
• Other finds from Period II included an ivory tusk, pieces of red ochre, grinding stones, and a small unbaked clay figurine of a male torso.
• Two flexed burials with bodies covered in red ochre and no grave goods were also found.

Period II B

• Time Frame: c. 6000–4500 BCE.
• Settlement Size: The settlement at Mehrgarh continued to grow during this period.
• Architectural Developments: Numerous mud-brick structures were constructed, featuring small cell-like compartments. Some of these structures were likely used for storage, while others may have served as residences.
• Storage Facilities: Evidence of storage facilities, such as double rows of small rooms with a central passage and barley seeds found on the floors, suggests the storage of grain.
• Tools and Craftsmanship: The types of stone and bone tools used in Period I continued to be utilized. Notably, two sickles made of microliths hafted onto a bitumen matrix were discovered.
• Microwear Analysis: P. Vaughan's study of stone tools from Period IIA indicates their association with activities related to animal products, including butchery, cooking, hide processing, and the production of bone artifacts.
• Pottery: Handmade pottery was found in the early part of Period II, while wheel-made pottery emerged in Period IIC.
• Notable Finds: Period II witnessed the discovery of various items, including a copper ring, beads, a small ingot of copper, an ivory tusk, pieces of red ochre, grinding stones, and a small unbaked clay figurine depicting a male torso.
• Burial Practices: Two flexed burials were identified, where the bodies were covered with red ochre and lacked grave goods.

Period II C

• Time Frame: Second half of the 5th millennium BCE.
• Craft Activities: There was a notable increase in craft activities, particularly in the large-scale production of wheel-made pottery with painted decorations. Innovations and refinements in pottery-making techniques were evident.
• Pottery-Manufacturing Area: A pottery-manufacturing area was discovered, featuring the bases of three ovens situated atop an accumulation of six meters of pottery debris.
• Bead Making: The frequent occurrence of ornaments such as necklaces and bracelets made from tiny steatite beads indicated that bead making was a significant craft. Beads made from semi-precious stones like lapis lazuli, turquoise, and agate, as well as beads made from terracotta and shell, were also found. Stone micro-drills may have been used to create engravings on shell.
• Terracotta Figurines: A few terracotta humped bulls were discovered.
• Metallurgy: The presence of terracotta crucibles with traces of copper suggested the early stages of metallurgy in the region.

Period III: Storage, Burial Practices, and Subsistence Activities

Storage Complexes and Burial Practices

• Storage complexes in Period III were similar to those in earlier phases, featuring compartments.
• A significant cemetery from this period containing the burials of around 99 individuals shows notable changes in burial practices.
• The niches, previously seen in Period II and made with cigar-shaped bricks, were absent in this cemetery.
• Some skeletons had their heads placed on bricks, indicating a shift in burial customs.
• One grave contained a collective burial with two wheel-made painted pots, which were not found in any other burials.
• In another burial, a copper or bronze object resembling a fragment of a segmented seal was discovered near the skull.
• Ornaments, primarily made of steatite micro-beads, were commonly found among the grave goods.
• Other ornaments included pendants made of lapis lazuli, carnelian, turquoise, chrysoprase, agate, terracotta, and seashells.

Transition in Subsistence Activities

• Periods I–III provide the earliest and most detailed evidence of subsistence activities in the region, illustrating the transition from hunting and gathering to a strong dependence on animal domestication and agriculture.
• Excavations at Mehrgarh uncovered thousands of plant specimens, including charred grains, seeds, and impressions of grain on mud-brick. Barley emerged as the most crucial crop during this period.
• In Period I, the dominant type of barley was six-row naked barley ( Hordeum vulgare nudum ). Other varieties included hulled six-row barley ( Hordeum vulgare vulgare ) and wild and domesticated hulled two-row barley ( Hordeum vulgare spontaneum and Hordeum vulgare distichum ).
• The presence of wild, transitional, and domesticated varieties of barley at the site indicates that north Baluchistan was within the natural habitat zone of wild barley and that Mehrgarh was part of a larger area of barley domestication.

Agriculture and Domestication in Mehrgarh

Early Agriculture: Mehrgarh, Period I:

• Barley and Wheat: Grains of domesticated hulled barley (Hordeum vulgare) and different types of wheat, including einkorn (Triticum monococcum), emmer (Triticum diococcum), and naked wheat (Triticum durum), were found.
• Domestication: Although there is no clear evidence of wild wheat in Mehrgarh, the people were actively domesticating this cereal.
• Other Crops: Seeds of ber (Zizyphus jujube) and dates (Phoenix dactylifera) were also present.

Mehrgarh, Period II:

• Continuity and Diversification: There was continuity with Period I crops, but also the introduction of new varieties and crops.
• New Varieties: Two new varieties of wheat (Triticum aestivum compactum and Triticum aestivum sphaerococcum ) and a new variety of barley (Hordeum hexastichum ) were identified.
• Introduction of Oats: Oats (Avena sp.) were introduced as a new cereal.
• Shift in Importance: Wheat became more important than barley during this period.

Mehrgarh, Period III:

• Continuity: Continued cultivation of earlier crops such as barley and wheat.
• New Additions: Introduction of new varieties of wheat and barley, along with the cultivation of oats.
• Shift in Dominance: Wheat became the dominant crop, surpassing barley in importance.

Cultivation Practices: Early Methods: Not much is known about the specific methods of cultivation, but it is believed that farmers relied on winter rains and may have used mud or stone embankments to channel water into fields, similar to modern gabarbands.

• Harvesting: Stone sickles, made by hafting tiny microliths onto wooden handles with bitumen, were likely used for harvesting grain.

Transition to Animal Domestication:

• Period I: Wild Animals: Bones of wild animals such as deer (gazelle, blackbuck, sambar, chital), nilgai, goat, onager (wild ass), water buffalo, cattle, pig, and possibly elephant were predominant.
• Early Domestication: Evidence of domesticated goats, with decreasing sizes of sheep and cattle indicating early domestication.

Period II:

• Increased Domestication: By the end of Period I, there was a significant increase in the bones of domesticated cattle, goats, and sheep, with cattle becoming the most important domesticated animal.
• Period III: Continued dominance of cattle, with an increase in sheep and goat bones. Interestingly, there was also a resurgence in hunting activity, as indicated by an increase in wild animal bones.

Dental Health and Diet: Study by J. R. Lukacs (1985):

• Dental Caries: Early levels showed a low rate of dental caries, possibly due to high fluoride levels in the drinking water.
• Coarse Diet: Features of the teeth suggest a coarse diet, with evidence of tooth probing.

Period III Decline: Dental health declined, possibly due to changes in food habits, such as the consumption of more refined foods.

Period IV

• Settlement Expansion and Structure: The settlement continued to expand, with larger structures featuring rooms divided by wide walls. Doors were equipped with wooden lintels, indicating improved construction techniques.
• Discovery of a Unique Room: One particular door, measuring only 1.10 meters in height, led into a room filled with various artifacts, including stone tools, grinding stones, pestles, and animal bones. This suggests a busy and diverse domestic life.
• Pottery and Decorative Items: The pottery from this period included polychrome wares and featured intricate designs. Notable finds included a storage jar, a basin with decorative ridges and snake patterns, fine goblets, and beautifully painted vessels.
• Figurines: A new style of terracotta female figurines emerged during this period, characterized by a tubular body, pinched nose, and joined legs, indicating a shift in artistic expression.

Period V

• Continuity in Pottery Designs: There were continuities in pottery designs between Periods IV and V, suggesting a stable tradition.

Period VI

• Introduction of New Pottery Styles: This period saw the introduction of red ware decorated with pipal leaves and well-fired grey ware, indicating advancements in pottery techniques.
• Increased Interaction: The emergence of similar pottery styles across various parts of Baluchistan suggests an increase in cultural interaction and exchange during this period.
• Pottery Kiln Discovery: A large pottery kiln was discovered, highlighting the production capabilities and the significance of pottery in the settlement.
• Terracotta Figurines: Distinctive terracotta female figurines with elaborate hairstyles, heavy breasts, and joined legs became prominent, possibly indicating a cultic significance or religious practices.
• Unexplored Sites: Several large mounds in the Kachi plain may represent unexplored sites contemporary to the later periods of Mehrgarh, suggesting that the region was more extensively populated and utilized than previously understood.

The evidence from Period IV onwards shows a further expansion of the settlement, diversification of agriculture and crafts, and more and better decorated pottery. In Period IV, there were larger structures, with rooms separated from each other by wide walls and doors with wooden lintels. One door, only 1.10 m high (people must have had to bend down to go through) led into a room crammed with many objects such as stone flakes, blades, grinding stones, pestles, and many bones. Other items found in this room included a storage jar, a crushed basin with ridges and snake designs painted on the inner side, fine goblets, and beautifully painted vessels. The pottery of Period IV included polychrome wares. A new style of terracotta female figurines with a tubular body, pinched nose, and joined legs made its appearance. There are continuities in pottery designs between Periods IV and V. In Period VI, there were some changes—the appearance of a red ware decorated with pipal leaves, and a well-fired grey ware. This is also the time when similar styles of pottery began appearing in various parts of Baluchistan, suggesting an increase in interaction. A large pottery kiln was found in Period VI. A distinctive feature of this period are terracotta female figurines with elaborate hairstyles, heavy breasts, and joined legs, which may have had a cultic significance. Several large mounds in the Kachi plain may represent unexplored sites contemporary to the later periods of Mehrgarh.

Kile Gul Mohammad

Early Settlement and Transition (Period I)

• Initially, the people of Kile Gul Mohammad were likely nomadic pastoralists. However, by the end of Period I, they had transitioned to living in houses constructed from mud or wattle-and-daub, which involves interlacing rods and twigs plastered with mud.
• The artefacts from this period included microliths and blades made from chert, jasper, and chalcedony. There were also a few ground tools and bone points.

Pottery Developments (KGM II and KGM III)

• During KGM II, handmade and basket-marked pottery emerged. By KGM III, wheel-made pottery became common, including fine black-on-red ware featuring geometric designs.
• Remains of mud-brick houses, some with stone foundations, were discovered, indicating advancements in construction. The first copper objects appeared in Period III, marking a significant development in material culture.

Kile Gul Mohammad IV and Damb Sadaat I

• The uppermost level of Kile Gul Mohammad (KGM IV) was contemporary with the first period of occupation at Damb Sadaat (DS I). Both sites exhibited similar cultural remains, including a distinctive type of pottery known as Kechi Beg Ware.
• Kechi Beg Ware : This pottery was well-fired, thin, and buff-coloured, featuring geometric designs painted in black or red. Common shapes included deep vases, bowls, and jars.

Damb Sadaat Period II (c. 3000 BCE)

• Multi-roomed mud-brick structures with limestone block foundations were prevalent. Houses contained hearths resembling modern tandoors for cooking.
• Pottery Types: Quetta ware, characterized by buff-coloured pottery with black designs, included jars, bowls, and pedestaled jars. Faiz Mohammad Grey Ware, represented by shallow plates and deep bowls, featured geometric and naturalistic designs.
• Terracotta Objects: Figurines of cattle and females, small models of houses, rattles, and seals were found. A copper/bronze blade, bone spatula, and alabaster vessel were also associated with this period.

Excavations in the Kalat Plateau

• Anjira and Siah Damb, excavated by Beatrice de Cardi, revealed five periods of occupation. The earliest period was contemporaneous with Period II at Kile Gul Mohammad.
• Period I in the Kalat plateau indicated a semi-nomadic settlement with no structural traces. Pottery included fine wheel-made buff ware and chert blades.
• In Period II, mud structures on stone boulder foundations emerged, with pottery including red-slipped and burnished grey wares.
• Period III saw the development of houses with rough square stone blocks and the introduction of Togau ware, featuring red pottery with black designs of ibexes, birds, and goats. Zari ware with white and black painted designs also emerged.
• Period IV involved dressing stone into square blocks for house construction and pottery similar to that found at Nal. Period V of the Kalat sites correlated with Damb Sadaat III, indicating continued cultural development.

Early Settlements and Developments in Mundigak

Mundigak, situated on a now-dry tributary of the Arghandab river in southeastern Afghanistan, was excavated by J. M. Casal in the 1950s and 1960s. The findings were categorized into different periods, with Period I dating back to around 4000–3500 BCE. Early settlers were likely semi-nomadic, as no structures were discovered in the initial levels of Period I.

• Period I:
  • Phase 4: Introduction of small oblong cells with walls made of pressed earth.
  • Phase 5: Construction of larger houses with square or oblong rooms made of sun-dried bricks.
• Pottery: Predominantly wheel-made, found throughout Period I.
• Tools and Ornaments: Bone awls, alabaster vases, stone blades, and beads made from stone, lapis lazuli, and frit.
• Copper Objects: Included a needle and a small bent blade.
• Figurines: A terracotta figurine of a humped bull discovered in phase 3.
• Period II: Evidence of domesticated animals such as cattle, sheep, and goats, along with plant remains like club wheat and ber.

Early Village Sites in Baluchistan

Explorations in the Zhob–Loralai region of Baluchistan have uncovered numerous early village sites along the plains of the Gomal, Zhob, Anambar, and Thal rivers. Notable sites include Sur Jangal, Dabar Kot, and Rana Ghundai, particularly in the Anambar valley. The inhabitants of these sites likely practiced some form of irrigation to sustain themselves.

• Sur Jangal:
  • Early occupation appears to be contemporaneous with Kile Gul Mohammad IV.
  • Residents lived in small mud houses, with a significant emphasis on cattle rearing as indicated by the large quantity of cattle bones found.
  • Pottery discovered at the site often featured painted designs of humped and humpless cattle.
  • Terracotta items included small models of houses and goggle-eyed female figurines, thought to have cultic significance and labeled as ‘Zhob mother goddess’ figurines.
• Rana Ghundai:
  • Excavated in the 1930s and re-investigated in the 1950s, five occupational levels were identified at the site.
  • Period I: Dating between c. 4500–4300 BCE, indicating a settlement of a semi-nomadic community with traces of living surfaces and hearths but lacking well-defined structural remains. Pottery was predominantly handmade and plain, along with bones of domesticated animals and microlithic tools.
  • Period II: Characterized by wheel-made pottery with decorative friezes of stylized humped bulls and blackbuck, with typical pottery forms including bowls or cups with wide shoulders.
  • Period III: Introduced changes in the style of painted pottery.

Early Settlements in the Gomal River Valley

The Gomal River valley, a region in the Dera Ismail Khan district, has several early archaeological sites. Among these, Gumla and Rahman Dheri have been excavated, revealing different cultural phases.

Gumla Excavation

• Conducted by a team from Peshawar University in 1971.
• Identified six cultural phases, with the first two being significant for understanding early settlement patterns.

Period I

• Featured a small settlement of just over 0.40 hectares.
• Artifacts included microliths, bones of domesticated cattle, hearths, and large community ovens.
• This period was a-ceramic, meaning no pottery was found.

Period II

• Marked the introduction of pottery.
• Early pots had rough surfaces, followed by finer pottery decorated with geometric designs, images of cattle, and fish.
• Terracotta female figurines, microliths, and a few objects made of copper and bronze were also discovered.
• Other terracotta items included bangles, cart models, game pieces, and figurines of cattle and females.
• Notably, some pottery designs and female figurines from Gumla showed similarities with those found in Turkmenistan, Central Asia.

Sheri Khan Tarakai

• Located in the Bannu basin, north of Gumla and Rahman Dheri.
• Radiocarbon dating suggested an occupation range of approximately 4500–3000 BCE for the earliest levels.
• Houses were primarily constructed from mud-bricks set on stone foundations.
• Artifacts included ground celts, microliths, saddle querns, ring stones, and bone tools.
• Terracotta spindle-whorls and figurines of females and bulls (some painted) were found, along with evidence of barley cultivation.
• Animal bones from sheep, goats, cattle, and buffalo were present, as well as freshwater mollusks and chank shells.
• Pottery varied from coarse handmade types with black slips and painted designs to rusticated forms with rough surfaces and decorative painting.

Sarai Khola

• Situated in the northern part of Punjab province, Pakistan, on the edge of the Potwar plateau.
• Excavated by the Pakistan Archaeological Department between 1968 and 1971.
• Revealed neolithic occupation dating back to around the 4th millennium BCE.
• Period I featured handmade plain red or brown burnished pottery with mat impressions on the base, along with ground and polished stone tools, microliths, and bone points.
• Terracotta wheels and toy carts were also unearthed.

Archaeological Findings at Nal and Kulli Sites

Nal Site: Location and Excavation: Nal is a 5-hectare site located in the Khozdar area of Baluchistan, which connects northern and southern Baluchistan. It was first excavated in 1925. Structures and Burials: The excavations revealed structures made from boulders found in a nearby riverbed and stone quarried from local hills. Several burials were discovered, mostly consisting of fractional burials in pots, along with some complete skeletons in defined and undefined graves. Notably, a child was found buried in a small mud-brick chamber grave with grave goods, including a bead necklace and a crystal pendant. Pottery: Nal pottery is characterized by polychrome designs and various shapes, often with disc bases. Common types include:

• Ovoid, narrow-mouthed pots
• Carinated pots with narrow mouths
• Almost straight-walled jars
• Open bowls
• Carinated bowls with inward-turning upper bodies
• Canisters with flat bottoms and round, straight-edged mouths

Geometric and naturalistic designs, such as fish and ibex, were painted in blue, red, and/or yellow. Artefacts: Various artefacts were found at Nal, including:

• Stone balls, discs, ring stones, and grinding stones
• Silver foil
• Beads made of agate, crystal, carnelian, lapis lazuli, and paste
• Cattle figurines
• Copper objects and an adze made of copper alloyed with nickel and lead

Pottery Chronology: While there are no radiocarbon dates from Nal, the pottery is considered contemporaneous with Periods I and II at Damb Sadaat and Period IV of Anjira and Siah Damb. Water Management Systems: Nal-related sites are linked with two water management systems:

• Stone embankments built across hill slopes to block soil washed down by rains, creating terraces for crop cultivation after rains.
• Channelizing water from low-lying basins into fields through small dams and canals.

Kulli Site: Location and Excavation: Kulli is a 12-hectare site in the Kolwa tract, of which only the upper levels have been excavated. Structures and Artefacts: The site features multi-roomed stone structures. Artefacts discovered include:

• Stone querns and rubbing stones
• Beads made of semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, agate, and carnelian
• Bone bangles
• A small quantity of copper, gold, and glass

Pottery: Kulli pottery is richly ornamented, with typical motifs depicting cattle with elongated bodies and large round eyes, usually set in a landscape. Analogous Sites: Similar remains have been found at sites such as Mehi, Niai Buthi, Adam Buthi, Nindowari, and Edith Shahr, with Adam Buthi being the earliest site dated to 3500–3000 BCE.

Early Settlements in the Makran Coast and Cholistan Desert

Bala Kot (Makran Coast, Baluchistan)

• Site Overview: Bala Kot is a 2.8-hectare archaeological site located on the Makran coast of south Baluchistan, at the mouth of the Windar River.
• Period I: This phase represents a neolithic occupation dated from the late 5th to early 3rd millennium BCE.
• Architecture: Houses during this period were constructed using mud-bricks.
• Pottery: Some wheel-made pottery found at Bala Kot was similar to that discovered at Nal.
• Tools and Artefacts: A variety of tools and artefacts were unearthed, including microliths, terracotta figurines of humped bulls, beads made of stone, lapis lazuli, shell, and paste, as well as terracotta, shell, and bone objects. There were also a small number of copper items.
• Agriculture and Domestication: Evidence suggests the cultivation of barley and the domestication of animals such as cattle, sheep, and goats. Animal bones found at the site included those of buffalo, deer, pig, and hare.
• Other Sites: In addition to Bala Kot, other early village sites in the Makran area include Miri Qalat and Shahi Tump.

Early Village Settlements in the Cholistan Desert

• Location: Early village settlements are found in the Cholistan desert of Bahawalpur, specifically on the alluvial plain of the Ghaggar-Hakra River.
• River History: The Ghaggar-Hakra River, which is now dry, once flowed east of the Indus River and was likely a significant waterway in ancient times.
• Pottery: The earliest settlements in this region featured handmade and wheel-made pottery, including large and small vessels with a mud coating mixed with pottery shards, thick and thin pottery with incised lines, and carinated or globular vases with a black slip on the exterior. This pottery is known as Hakra wares.
• Research Findings: Research by M. R. Mughal in 1997 indicated that Hakra settlements date back to the middle of the 4th millennium BCE or earlier.
• Site Identification: Currently, 99 Hakra wares sites have been identified, ranging from small settlements under 5 hectares to larger ones of 20–30 hectares. Approximately 52% of these sites appear to be temporary camps, while 45% seem to be more permanent settlements, with some indicating craft specialization.
• Artefacts: Found artefacts at Hakra wares sites include microliths, grinding stones, terracotta cattle figurines, shell and terracotta bangles, and copper pieces. At the Valwali site, bits of copper and 32 terracotta figurines, including humped bulls, were discovered.
• Geographic Spread: Hakra wares have been found outside the Ghaggar-Hakra valley, such as at Jalilpur in the Punjab plains of Pakistan, near the Ravi River.
• Period I at Jalilpur: This period showed evidence of Hakra wares alongside artefacts like stone, gold, coral, and semi-precious stone beads, chert blades, and bone points. Terracotta net sinkers, used for fishing, suggested that fishing was a crucial part of the subsistence strategy. Animal bone remains of sheep, goat, cattle, and gazelle were also discovered.

Harappa and the Early Harappan Phase

Harappa, located along the Ravi River, has revealed evidence of an early period known as the Ravi aspect of the Hakra phase, dating back to around 3500/3300–2800 BCE. This period was characterized by the remains of a small village consisting of huts constructed from wooden posts with walls made of plastered reeds.

During excavations, some mud-brick fragments were discovered, possibly indicating the presence of a kiln, but there were no signs of mud-brick structures.

Various artefacts were found, including pottery, stone and bone tools, broken necklaces, terracotta spindle whorls, steatite beads, and bangles made from shell and terracotta.

However, the most significant finding was the potsherds featuring pre-firing marks and post-firing graffiti, which are believed to represent the early stages of the Harappan script.

In Period IA at Kunal, located in the Hisar district of Haryana, Hakra wares have also been discovered. The early levels of this settlement indicate a small community (around 1 hectare in size) with pottery designs featuring pipal leaves and a bull with highly curved horns. Artefacts from this period included bone tools, micro-blades made of chalcedony, and copper fishhooks and arrowheads.

The inhabitants of Kunal built their houses on artificially raised areas, with house floors constructed by digging a pit and paving it with rammed earth. The floors were situated below ground level, and the walls were plastered with mud. Wooden posts supported a wattle-and-daub superstructure, as indicated by the post-holes found around the perimeter of the houses.

Although no radiocarbon dates are currently available for Kunal, the findings suggest a similar cultural context to that of Harappa.

Bhirrana, a recently excavated site in the Fatehabad district of Haryana, has provided further insights into the Hakra wares culture during Period IA.

The residents of Bhirrana lived in shallow mud-plastered pit dwellings, varying in depth from 34 to 58 cm and in diameter from 230 to 340 cm. In addition to dwelling pits, pits used for sacrifices or industrial activities, as well as refuse pits, were identified.

Alongside the typical Hakra wares, various other pottery types were found at Bhirrana, including mud applique ware, incised ware, tan slipped/chocolate slipped ware, black burnished ware, brown on buff ware, bi-chrome wares, black-and-red ware, and red wares.

A diverse range of artefacts was also uncovered, such as beads made from carnelian, agate, jasper, and lapis lazuli ; plain and painted terracotta bangles; sling balls made of sandstone and terracotta; an unbaked triangular cake; a sandstone quern and pestle; a crucible; a clay hopscotch; a chert blade; and a bone point.

The Vindhyan Fringes and Other Areas

The detailed information about early agricultural villages in the north-west is due to the abundance of data from this region. However, another early center of agricultural-pastoral communities was located in the Vindhyan fringes of southern Uttar Pradesh. Here, over 40 Neolithic sites have been identified along the Belan, Adwa, Son, Rihand, Ganga, Lapari, and Paisuni rivers. Excavations at sites such as Koldihwa, Mahagara, Pachoh, and Indari have revealed Neolithic levels.

Key Issues

• Dates: There is a need to determine the precise dates of the Neolithic levels at these sites.
• Rice Remains: It is crucial to establish whether the rice remains found at several sites belong to wild or domesticated varieties.

The Neolithic culture in the Vindhyan fringes developed from a well-established Mesolithic phase. While some Mesolithic features like microlith blades and heavier stone tools persisted, new features such as the domestication of cattle and the cultivation of rice emerged. The discovery of wild rice at Mesolithic levels in sites like Chopani Mando and domesticated rice at Damdama indicates the early domestication of rice in this region.

Koldihwa and Mahagara

Koldihwa

• Located on the banks of the Belan River in Allahabad district, UP, Koldihwa showed cultural continuity from the Neolithic to the Iron Age.
• Neolithic levels revealed remains of rice and impressions of rice husk in burnt clay.
• The site yielded stone blades, polished stone celts, microliths (mostly made on chert), querns and mullers (used for grinding), and bone tools.
• Pottery was handmade and included net-marked or cord-marked pottery, plain red pottery, and black-and-red ware. Dominant shapes included deep bowls and storage jars, with some red ware showing soot marks, indicating cooking use.
• There is an ongoing debate about the dates of the Neolithic phase at Koldihwa. Some calibrated C-14 dates suggest early dates between the 8th and 6th millennium BCE, while other dates are later.

Mahagara

• Also located in Allahabad district, Mahagara is another important site with evidence of Neolithic culture.
• Excavations have revealed similar findings to Koldihwa, including rice remains and various stone and pottery artifacts.

Mahagara

• Mahagara, located on the right bank of the Belan river and close to the mesolithic site of Chopani Mando, is a significant neolithic site.
• At Mahagara, floors and post-holes linked to 20 huts were discovered.
• Impressions of reed or bamboo on clumps of mud indicate that the walls of these huts were constructed using a technique called wattle and daub.
• Various neolithic tools such as blades, microliths, celts, querns, mullers, and sling balls were found on the floors of the huts.
• Additionally, pottery, bone arrowheads, terracotta beads, and animal bones were unearthed at the site.
• One notable find was a cattle pen measuring approximately 12.5 × 7.5 meters, situated in the center of the settlement.
• This pen had an irregular layout, marked by 20 post-holes indicating where posts once stood, and it featured at least three openings.
• Inside the pen, clusters of hoof marks from cattle of various ages were found, suggesting that 40 to 60 animals were housed there.
• Hoof marks from sheep or goats were also discovered outside the pen, indicating the regular movement of these animals between the huts and the enclosure.
• The animal bones excavated included those of cattle, sheep, goats, horses, deer, and wild boars, with the first three species likely being domesticated.
• Botanical remains included rice husk found within pottery, indicating that the inhabitants hunted wild animals, gathered wild plant foods, and domesticated both plants and animals.

Kunjhun

• Kunjhun, located in the Son valley of Sidhi district, Madhya Pradesh, near Koldihwa, is another significant neolithic site dating back to the 4th millennium BCE.
• At Kunjhun, evidence of both wild and domesticated rice was found, suggesting the site was involved in early rice cultivation.
• Additionally, Kunjhun appears to have been a factory site for producing stone artifacts, with archaeologists identifying areas where stone was heated to enhance its colour and workability before being fashioned into blades.

Lahuradeva

• Recent excavations at Lahuradeva in Sant Kabir Nagar district, eastern Uttar Pradesh, indicate the spread of early agricultural settlements into the central Ganga plain.
• Lahuradeva features a 220 × 140 meter mound rising about 4 meters above the surrounding plain, bordered by a lake on three sides.
• The site revealed a five-fold cultural sequence from the neolithic period to the early centuries CE, with Neolithic Period I further divided into Periods IA and IB.
• During Period IA, cord-impressed red ware and black-and-red ware pottery were present, mostly handmade with some wheel-made examples.
• Burnt clay fragments indicate the presence of wattle-and-daub houses, while plant remains included rice and wild grasses, with rice husk marks found in several potsherds, suggesting the presence of domesticated rice.
• The calibrated dates for Period IA at Lahuradeva range from the late 6th to early 5th millennia BCE.

Introduction

The transition from hunting-gathering to agriculture and pastoralism in the Indian subcontinent may have occurred in other regions as well, although the evidence is not yet clear or substantial.

Early Evidence of Agriculture

• In Ladakh, the neolithic site of Giak has been dated to the 6th millennium BCE, suggesting early agricultural practices.
• Pollen studies in Rajasthan's salt lakes (Didwana, Lunkaransar, and Sambhar) show an increase in cereal-type pollen around 7000 BCE, indicating possible forest clearance and the beginnings of agriculture.

Pollen Studies and Early Agriculture

• Cereal pollen dating back to 8000 BCE has been found in the Nilgiri hills of South India, suggesting early plant management.
• In the Horton plains of central Sri Lanka, pollen analysis indicates early cereal plant management and slash-and-burn cultivation techniques around 17500 BP, with the cultivation of oats and barley by 13000 BP.

NEOLITHIC, NEOLITHIC–CHALCOLITHIC, AND CHALCOLITHIC COMMUNITIES, C. 3000–2000 BCE

• During the period of 3000–2000 BCE, village settlements expanded into new areas within the Indian subcontinent.
• These settlements were roughly contemporary with the urban Harappan civilization, which will be discussed in the next chapter.
• The available information for this period is more substantial compared to earlier millennia, allowing for the identification of distinctive characteristics in various geographical zones.

The North and North-West

Neolithic Sites in Kashmir Valley

• The Kashmir Valley is home to several neolithic sites located near Srinagar and between Baramulla and Anantnag. Some of these sites include Burzahom, Gufkral, Hariparigom, Jayadeviudar, Olchibag, Pampur, Panzgom, Sombur, Thajiwor, Begagund, Waztal, Gurhoma Sangri, and Damodara.
• During the Pleistocene era, the Kashmir Valley was a massive lake, and the neolithic sites we see today are situated on the remnants of ancient lake beds known as karewas.

Burzahom Excavations

• Burzahom is a key archaeological site located on a terrace of karewa clay, above the floodplain of the Jhelum River, about 16 km northeast of Srinagar. The site offers picturesque views of green fields and the nearby Dal Lake, which is just 2 km away.
• The name Burzahom comes from the Kashmiri word meaning "place of birch". Excavations revealed burnt birch remnants, indicating that birch trees were present in the area during neolithic times. The site was likely surrounded by forests with nearby water sources, prompting neolithic people to clear some trees to establish their settlement.
• Burzahom was first discovered in 1935 by de Terra and Paterson, who initially believed it to be part of the Harappan civilization. Its true significance was recognized later when the Archaeological Survey of India conducted excavations from 1960 to 1971 under T. N. Khazanchi.
• The site shows evidence of four periods of occupation: two neolithic periods, one megalithic period, and an early historical period. Period I has been radiocarbon dated to before c. 2920 BCE.

Period I at Burzahom

• A key feature of Period I at Burzahom is the presence of mud-plastered pit dwellings. These pits were typically round or oval, narrower at the top and widening towards the base. The largest pit measures 3.96 m deep, with a diameter of 2.74 m at the top and 4.57 m at the bottom.
• Post-holes around the circumference of the pits indicate where wooden poles supported a roof made of pinewood and thatched with birch. Some deeper pits had steps, but they did not extend to the bottom, possibly to avoid narrowing the space too much. Ladders may have been used for entering and exiting the deeper pits.
• Inside the pits, archaeologists found charcoal, ash, potsherds, and hearths made of stone or clay. There were also square and rectangular pit chambers, about 1 m deep, with one measuring 6.4 × 7 m. Some of these pit chambers had stone or clay hearths.
• Notably, square and rectangular pit chambers were located in the center of the settlement, while round and oval pits were found at the periphery. Storage pits, measuring 60-91 cm in diameter, containing stone and bone tools and animal bones, were situated close to the living pits. Stone hearths near the mouths of some dwelling pits suggest that people also lived outdoors at ground level, likely during the warm summer months.

New Directions in Research

Did people actually live in the Burzahom pits?

Pits discovered at Neolithic sites in Burzahom, Gufkral, and various locations in the Swat Valley have traditionally been viewed as evidence of winter homes for Neolithic communities. These pits, filled with steps, ash, charcoal, and potsherds, were believed to indicate that people resided there during the harsh winters of Kashmir, moving to ground level in summer. However, this interpretation is being re-evaluated.

Questioning the Traditional View

• Researchers R. A. E. Conningham and T. L. Sutherland have challenged the idea that these pits were used for living, drawing parallels with British Iron Age sites where similar pits were once thought to be dwellings.
• Experiments by P. J. Reynolds revealed that lighting a fire in such a pit creates an unbearable smoke-filled atmosphere, casting doubt on their use for cooking or heating.

Alternative Functions of Pits

• The firing of pits might have been for purposes like extending their lifespan, clearing mold, or speeding up the drying of mud plaster, rather than for domestic activities.
• The absence of soot on the pit sides suggests they were not regularly used for fires, leading to the hypothesis that they could have served as underground grain storage units.

Rethinking the Kashmir-Swat Pits

• Conningham and Sutherland propose that sites like Burzahom may not have been occupied year-round. Instead, these pits could have been used in winter while people migrated to lower, less severe areas during summer.
• The pits might have been occupied only in spring and summer, with surplus grain stored for winter and spring sowing.

Current Scholarly Debate

• While most scholars still view the Kashmir-Swat pits as dwellings, the alternative hypothesis illustrates how the same evidence can be interpreted differently.

Period I

Burzahom Period I saw the discovery of poorly fired, handmade, coarse pottery in various colors like grey, red, brown, and buff. The pottery included simple rimless bowls and bottle shapes with flared rims. Many pots had mat impressions on their bases, indicating they were made on mats.

• Stone tools from this period included:
• Oval and oblong stone axes (some were pecked and ground)
• Chisels, adzes, grinding stones, ring stones, and mace heads
• Distinctive ‘harvesters’—rectangular stone choppers or knives with two or more holes on the blunt side

Burzahom also had a bone tool industry producing various artefacts such as:

• Points, harpoons, and needles (with and without eyes)
• Awls (likely for stitching animal skins), spear heads, daggers, and scrapers

Tools were also crafted from antlers. Interestingly, no burials were found in Period I, suggesting a different method of disposing of the dead.

Period II

In Period II, the inhabitants of Burzahom transitioned from pit dwellings to ground-level houses. Some pits were filled with karewa soil, their surfaces plastered with mud and topped with a thin layer of red ochre, forming the floors of huts constructed from mud, mud-brick, and timber. This period also saw an increase in burials, predominantly within the habitation areas. The dead were usually interred under house floors or in compounds, in oval pits plastered with lime. Both inhumation and secondary burial practices were observed. In secondary burials, bones were sometimes covered with red ochre, while in primary burials, bodies were placed in a flexed position. Grave goods were rare, with only occasional beads found around the necks of some bodies. Evidence of trepanning, or boring holes in skulls, was also noted in one of the skulls. Period II at Burzahom continued until at least around 1700 BCE.

Burzahom: Bone Tools, Including Needle with Eye

Bone Arrowhead

Perforated Harvester

During Period II of the neolithic site at Burzahom, an intriguing practice involved burying humans alongside a variety of wild and domesticated animals. Wild animals such as deer, wolf, ibex, nilgai, snow leopard, and pig were buried with humans, as well as domesticated animals like cattle, buffalo, dog, sheep, and goat. It is possible that these animals were killed and buried with the deceased or that their meat was placed in the grave as part of the burial goods.

Pets and Animal Burials

The interment of dogs with humans suggests that pets were sometimes buried with their owners. There were also instances of separate pit burials for animals within the habitation area. In one case, five dogs were buried along with antlers, indicating a significance placed on these animals.

Pottery and Artifacts

Artefacts from Period II included pottery, mainly handmade, with some new shapes and a black burnished pottery that appears to have been a deluxe ware. The pottery shapes included dishes with hollow stands, globular pots, jars, stems with triangular perforations, and a funnel-shaped vase. A notable type in the black burnished ware is a high-necked jar with a flaring rim, globular body, and base, featuring oblique notches incised on the lower part of the neck. Stone and bone tools continued to be present, similar to those of Period I, but were more numerous and better finished. Stone tools included harvesters, and a single copper arrowhead was found towards the end of Period II. Microwear analysis of Burzahom neolithic tools has indicated that tools were often re-ground and re-shaped. Handaxes were used for various purposes, including cutting, chopping, and dressing wood, as well as chopping meat. Ring stones were identified as functioning as mace heads.

Engraved Stone Slabs

Two engraved stone slabs were discovered in Burzahom Period II. One slab features an indistinct engraving, tentatively identified as a hut with a thatched conical roof and the hind portion of an animal. The other engraving depicts a hunting scene, showing a stag being hunted by two hunters with a spear and an arrow.

Hunting, Fishing, and Agriculture

Hunting and fishing were significant activities for the neolithic people of Burzahom, as evidenced by animal bones, the engraved hunting scene, and the presence of weapons such as spearheads, arrowheads, and harpoons. Initially, there was no direct evidence of agriculture at the site, but recent analysis of botanical remains from Periods I and II has provided direct evidence of cultivated wheat, barley, and lentils. Harvesters, stone querns, flake knives, mace heads, and seeds of wild plants were initially interpreted as indirect evidence of some level of cultivation.

The Kashmir Neolithic is characterized by a variety of stone and bone tools, pit dwellings, perforated harvesters, and animal burials. Some of these features are also found in sites across Central Asia and China. Notable discoveries from the early levels of Period II include a wheel-made red pot containing 950 exquisite agate and carnelian beads, and a globular pot depicting what appears to be a horned deity, a motif seen in early Harappan levels at Kot Diji. This indicates a possible connection between the Neolithic communities of Burzahom and the Indus region.

Gufkral, located 41 km southeast of Srinagar near Tral, has a cultural sequence that spans from the Neolithic to the historical period. The Neolithic phase at Gufkral is divided into three sub-phases: Period IA, IB, and IC. Period IB has a calibrated date of 2468–2139 BCE, suggesting that Period IA could date back to around 3000 BCE or even earlier.

During Period I at Gufkral, similar to Burzahom, there were pit dwellings that were circular or oval in shape, with a wider base and a narrower top. The diameters of these dwellings varied from 3.80 m to 1.50 m at the top. The larger dwelling pits, mostly from the earlier phase, were shallow, ranging from 20 to 30 cm in depth. These dwelling pits were surrounded by storage pits and hearths, with post-holes indicating where wooden posts were placed to support a superstructure made of grass and reed. To prevent water and snow intrusion, the bases of the houses may have been plastered with mud. In the earlier dwelling pits of Period IA, floors were plastered with red ochre paste. Some pits were later enlarged, and two-chambered dwelling pits were also discovered. Initially, hearths were rectangular in shape, but later phases saw the emergence of circular and rectangular clay hearths. Notably, no hearth or fireplace was found inside the dwelling pits.

Period IA at Gufkral was a-ceramic, with finds including polished stone tools and a large quern with ochre paste in the depression. Tools made of bone and horn, such as small arrowheads and a bone needle with an eye, were also found. The tips of bone tools were often charred to strengthen the working edge. Other artifacts included steatite beads and a broken terracotta marble. Animal bones found at the site included those of wild species such as sheep, goat, cattle, red deer, Himalayan ibex, wolf, and bear, as well as some bones of domesticated sheep and goats. This suggests that the people of Gufkral were primarily reliant on hunting but were beginning to domesticate certain animals. Plant remains found at the site included barley, wheat, and lentils.

Gufkral: Neolithic Site in Kashmir

Period IB (c. 2468–2139 BCE):

• The first pottery at Gufkral appeared in Period IB. It was handmade and mostly grey (there were a few red pots), with mat impressions on the base. Big jars, bowls, and basins were the common shapes.
• Pit Dwellings and Structures: The pit dwellings from earlier periods disappeared. A 5–7 cm thick compact clay floor mixed with lime was found, extending over the excavated area. Additionally, a mud and rubble wall and a compact 70 cm wide wall-like structure were discovered.
• Tools and Technology: Polished stone tools and bone tools continued to be used.
• Animal Remains: Bones of red deer, ibex, bear, sheep, goats, cattle, and fowl were found, many with sharp cut marks, indicating hunting and increased domestication of sheep, goats, and cattle. The proportion of wolf bones decreased, while dog bones increased. Grains and Food: Grains from Period IA continued, with the addition of common peas (Pisum arvense). Large quantities of charcoal and charred wood pieces indicated extensive fire use.
• Radiocarbon Dating: A radiocarbon date from Period IB ranged from 2468–2139 BCE.

Period IC (c. 2000–1620 BCE):

• Pottery: Wheel-made pots appeared, including grey, burnished grey, red, and black wares, with new shapes like long-necked jars and dish-on-stand with triangular perforated designs.
• Tools: Stone querns, pounders, and double-holed harvesters were found, along with a neolithic celt. Stone and terracotta spindle whorls with large holes suggested woollen cloth weaving.
• Ornaments and Artifacts: Terracotta bangles and potsherds with graffiti marks were discovered, along with a copper hairpin with a flattened spiral head.
• Animal Remains: Domesticated animal bones included sheep, goats, cattle, pigs, and dogs, along with fish, hare, rodents, hedgehogs, and beavers. Hunting continued to decline in importance, while animal breeding increased.

Gufkral and Swat Valley Sites Similarities: There are similarities between the Neolithic sites of Kashmir, like Gufkral, and those in the Swat Valley of north Pakistan. For instance, the archaeological sequence in the Ghaligai cave of the Swat Valley may date back to around c. 3000 BCE.

• Ghaligai Cave Findings: At the lowest levels of the Ghaligai cave, coarse handmade pottery was found, some with a slip and others with a burnished interior. Additionally, pebble tools and bone points were discovered.
• Comparison with Burzahom: Although there are similarities between the pottery types found at Ghaligai and those at Burzahom Period I, it is notable that polished stone tools are absent in the Ghaligai cave. This suggests that while there are resemblances in pottery, the presence of polished stone tools was a distinguishing feature of the Burzahom site.

Grave Sites in Swat Valley

• Numerous grave sites have been investigated in the Swat Valley, including Loe-banr, Aligrama, Birkot Ghundai, Kherari, Lal-batai, Timargarha, Balambat, Kalako-deray, and Zarif Karuna.
• Different types of burials have been identified, such as flexed burials, cremation, urn burials, fractional burials, and multiple burials.
• Loe-banr III and Aligrama provided evidence of ancient agriculture, including wheat, barley, rice, lentils, field peas, and a grape seed (Vitis vinifera).
• Remains of pit-dwellings with thatched roofs supported by wooden structures were discovered at Loe-banr III and Kalako-deray.
• Jade beads found at Loe-banr III suggest trade or exchange connections with Central Asia.

Surface Finds in Himachal Pradesh

• Surface finds of Neolithic tools such as axes, chisels, and ring stones have been reported from sites like Ror, Baroli, and Dehra Gopipur in the Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh.
• These tools were discovered alongside choppers and flake tools, although the dating of the Neolithic context in this region remains uncertain.

Rajasthan and Surrounding Areas

• In regions like Rajasthan, Malwa, and the northern Deccan, the onset of settled life is linked to a Chalcolithic phase rather than a Neolithic one.
• Bagor in eastern Rajasthan illustrates this transition from the Mesolithic phase of hunting and gathering to Chalcolithic and eventually Iron Age phases.
• Evidence of early sedentary Chalcolithic sites is more substantial in areas abundant with copper ores, such as Rajasthan, Gujarat, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Andhra Pradesh.
• The richest copper mines are located in Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Bihar, with evidence of copper use in parts of the subcontinent from around 3000 BCE onwards.

Archaeological Cultures and Pottery Types

• Protohistoric cultures are often named after the sites where they were first identified or after a distinctive pottery type found at these sites.
• For example, the Malwa culture is named after the region where it is concentrated, but sites associated with this culture are also found in Maharashtra.
• Similarly, Ahar culture sites, primarily located in southeast Rajasthan, are also present in Malwa.
• These archaeological cultures share a range of material remains, but what else they had in common is open to interpretation.

Chalcolithic Cultures of Rajasthan

Introduction: Rajasthan is home to several ancient cultures known for their early use of copper and distinctive pottery. Two notable cultures are the Ganeshwar–Jodhpura culture in the north-eastern part and the Ahar culture in the south-eastern region.

Ganeshwar–Jodhpura Culture:

• The Ganeshwar–Jodhpura culture thrived in the north-eastern part of Rajasthan, with over 80 identified sites, mainly in the Sikar district, and also in Jaipur and Jhunjhunu districts.
• This concentration of sites is linked to the nearby copper ore resources in the Baleshwar and Khetri areas, where evidence of ancient copper working has been found.
• Jodhpura:
• Jodhpura, located on the banks of the Sahibi River, is where the Ganeshwar–Jodhpura culture was first identified.
• The typical pottery from this site is wheel-made, ranging from orange to red in color, with incised designs. Common shapes include dish-on-stand with thick slip.
• Calibrated dates from Jodhpura range between 3309–2709 BCE and 2879–2348 BCE.

• Ganeshwar:
• Pottery similar to that of Jodhpura was later found at Ganeshwar, near Nim-ka-Thana.
• Ganeshwar has three cultural phases:
• Period I (c. 3800 BCE onwards): Characterized by a hunting-gathering community using microliths made of chert and quartz. Charred bones of wild animals were found, with a shift from small to larger animal bones over time.
• Period II (c. 2800 BCE): Marked the beginning of metallurgy, with the discovery of copper objects such as arrowheads, fishhooks, and spearheads. People lived in circular huts with pebble-paved floors, and both handmade and wheel-made pottery were present.
• Period III (c. 2000 BCE): Featured a wide range of pots and hundreds of copper objects, including arrowheads, spearheads, and bangles. There was a decline in microliths and animal bones during this period.

Copper Working and Trade:

• Despite the absence of direct evidence of copper smelting at Ganeshwar, such as furnaces and crucibles, the large number of copper objects suggests it was a copper-working center.
• The site likely supplied these items to other communities.
• There are similarities between the pottery of Ganeshwar Period II and early Harappan pottery, indicating potential trade or cultural exchange.
• Ganeshwar may have been a major supplier of copper to the mature Harappan culture.
• Harappan pottery and artifacts have been found at Ganeshwar sites, further suggesting cultural contact between the two civilizations.

Ahar Culture:

• The Ahar culture, located in the south-eastern part of Rajasthan, is associated with a significant process of metallurgical development that dates back to the 4th millennium BCE.
• Sites from this culture show evidence of early metalworking and distinct pottery styles, contributing to our understanding of ancient technological and cultural advancements in the region.

Ahar Culture in South-East Rajasthan

Over 90 sites of the Ahar or Banas culture have been found in the Banas and Berach river systems in south-east Rajasthan, between Udaipur and Jaipur. Some sites are also present in the Malwa plateau of Madhya Pradesh. The three main sites that have been excavated are Ahar, Gilund, and Balathal.

Ahar was excavated in 1953–54 and 1961–62, Gilund in 1959–60, and Balathal in 1994–98. The typical pottery from Ahar is a black-and-red ware with linear and dotted designs painted in white. Sites of the Ahar culture are usually found along river banks and range in size from a few hectares to over 10 hectares. However, Ahar itself covers at least 11 hectares, and Gilund is about 10.5 hectares. Many sites are located within 8–17 km of each other.

Ahar Excavation Details

Location and Periods: Ahar is situated on the outskirts of Udaipur and is divided into three phases: Ia, Ib, and Ic, with estimated dates of around 2500 BCE, 2100 BCE, and 1900 BCE, respectively.

• Housing: Houses were made of mud with stone foundations, strengthened by bamboo screens or quartz nodules. The roofs were likely sloping, and floors were made of black clay mixed with yellow silt, sometimes paved with riverbed gravel.
• House Remains: A partial house plan was found, indicating a house about 10.31 meters long, divided by a mud wall.
• Ovens and Artefacts: Multiple-mouthed ovens were discovered, along with various artefacts such as microliths, copper objects (rings, bangles, antimony rods, knife blade, socketless axes), saddle querns, beads (including semi-precious stones like lapis lazuli), and terracotta beads or spindle whorls.
• Copper Smelting: Evidence of local copper smelting was found through copper sheets and slag.
• Food Remains: Food remains included rice grains and animal bones from cow, buffalo, goat, sheep, deer, pig, fish, turtle, and fowl.

Ahar Culture Sites in Rajasthan

Ahar : Early iron artifacts like an iron ring, nail, arrowhead, chisel, peg, and socket suggest one of the earliest instances of iron use in the subcontinent, although there is debate about whether the levels they were found in were intact or disturbed.

Gilund : Similar to Ahar, with discoveries including a mud-brick complex, burnt brick wall on stone rubble foundation, storage pits, microliths, copper fragments, semiprecious stone beads, terracotta gamesmen, and animal figurines, notably humped bulls with long horns.

Balathal : Period I : Early phase featured small circular wattle-and-daub huts with mud-plastered floors and storage pits. Later phase revealed a massive mud fortification wall with stone reinforcement and bastions, enclosing over 500 sq m, with walls 4.80 m to 5.0 m wide. A north-west to south-east street and a small lane were also uncovered. Period I (Second Phase) : Larger rectangular houses made of mud, mud-bricks, and stone on stone foundations. Discovery of multi-roomed complexes with kitchens and storage areas, along with two potters’ kilns.

Pottery and Artifacts : Diverse pottery types including thin red, tan, black-and-red, and buff-coloured pots. Reserve slip ware featuring intricate designs made with a comb-like instrument. Coarse wares such as red-slipped, plain red, burnished grey, and plain grey ware. Copper tools like choppers, knives, razors, chisels, and barbed and tanged arrowheads. Bone tools including points and scrapers, stone querns, grinders, and hammer stones, terracotta balls, and stylized figurines of bulls and sheep. Ornaments made of terracotta, steatite, faience, and semiprecious stones like carnelian, agate, and jasper, along with copper, shell, and terracotta bangles.

At the archaeological site of Balathal, a large number of animal bones were discovered, including those from gaur, nilgai, chausingha, blackbuck, fowl, peafowl, turtle, fish, and molluscan shells. However, wild animals made up only 5 percent of the bones found. The majority of the bones belonged to domesticated animals such as cattle, buffalo, sheep, goat, and pig, with cattle bones constituting nearly 73 percent of the faunal remains.

The plant remains found at the site included wheat, barley, at least two varieties of millet, black gram, green gram (moong), pea, linseed, and fruits like jujube (ber). It appears that cereals and lentils were grown in large quantities and stored in storage bins, several of which have been uncovered. Grain was processed into flour using stone querns, and bread was likely cooked on handmade flat pans (tawas) on U-shaped chulhas, similar to those used in present-day villages.

Calibrated dates suggest that the protohistoric settlement at Balathal dates back to the late 4th millennium BCE, making it contemporary with the early Harappan phase at Kot Diji and possibly as early as the Jodhpura–Ganeshwar culture in northeastern Rajasthan.

Sites associated with the Ahar culture exhibit the use of a wide range of raw materials, including steatite, shell, agate, jasper, carnelian, lapis lazuli, copper, and bronze. While the shell objects were made locally, the shell material likely originated from the Gujarat coast. The discovery of etched carnelian beads, a lapis lazuli bead, and Rangpur-type lustrous red ware in Ahar Period IC indicates a connection with Harappan sites in Gujarat.

Malwa Region

Kayatha Culture

• Pottery: Found three types of pottery at Kayatha culture sites.
• Kayatha Pottery: Fine, sturdy, wheel-made ware with thick brown slip and linear designs in violet or deep red. Typical shapes include bowls, basins, vases, and large storage jars.
• Buff Ware: Thin, fine fabric with red-painted linear and geometric designs. Shapes include lotas, jars, and basins.
• Red Combed Ware: Fine fabric decorated with wavy and zigzag lines. Shapes consist of bowls and basins.

• House Construction: Houses were likely made of mud and reed with mud-plastered floors.
• Domesticated Animals: Bones of domesticated cattle and horses were found, suggesting these animals were part of the household.
• Diet: Evidence of tortoise consumption, but no grain remains were identified.
• Stone and Copper Artifacts: Rich variety of stone and copper artifacts found. Stone tools included microliths made of locally available chalcedony. Copper technology was advanced, with tools like axes, chisels, and bangles.
• Jewelry: Beautiful necklaces made of agate and carnelian beads, along with steatite micro-beads found in pots.
• Sudden Abandonment: Evidence suggests inhabitants left suddenly, abandoning valuable possessions.

Ahar Culture

• Pottery: Characterized by thin-walled, well-made painted pottery with red designs on a cream or red slip background. Some pottery featured intricate black designs.
• House Construction: Houses were made of mud with reed matting, and mud-plastered floors.
• Domesticated Animals: Evidence of domesticated cattle, goats, sheep, and pigs.
• Diet: Remains of wheat, barley, and rice found, indicating a diverse agricultural diet.
• Stone and Copper Artifacts: Tools made of stone, copper, and bronze, including grinding stones, chisels, and axes.
• Jewelry: Various ornaments made of terracotta, bone, and shell, including beads and pendants.
• Trade: Evidence of trade with distant regions, as indicated by the presence of marine shells and exotic stones.

Malwa Culture

• Pottery: Similar to Ahar culture with variations in design and quality.
• House Construction: Continued use of mud and reed for house construction with improvements in design.
• Domesticated Animals: Similar to Ahar culture with the addition of horses.
• Diet: Expansion of agricultural practices to include pulses and millets.
• Stone and Copper Artifacts: Increased variety of tools and ornaments, with advances in metallurgy.
• Jewelry: More complex designs and materials, including glass and semi-precious stones.
• Trade: Expanded trade networks, as indicated by the presence of foreign goods.

Kayatha and Its Connections

• Kayatha ware shows similarities to early Harappan pottery, suggesting a connection between the two cultures.
• There is also a resemblance between the steatite micro-beads found in Kayatha and those from the Harappan culture.
• The axes discovered at Kayatha have indentation marks similar to those found on specimens from Ganeshwar, indicating a possible link between these sites.
• Despite these connections, the precise nature of the relationship between Kayatha and Ganeshwar is difficult to determine.

Ahar/Banas Culture Phase

• Around 1800 BCE, there was an abrupt break in occupation at Kayatha, and the site remained deserted for about a century.
• When Kayatha was reoccupied, it represented a phase of the Ahar/Banas culture, indicating a shift in the cultural practices at the site.

The Western Deccan

Savalda Culture

• The Savalda culture is considered the earliest farming culture in the western Deccan, dating back to the 3rd millennium BCE.
• This culture is named after the site of Savalda in the Tapi valley, with sites found between the Tapi and Godavari rivers in north Maharashtra.
• Typical Savalda ware includes wheel-made chocolate-coloured pottery with a thick, crackled slip.
• Common shapes of Savalda pottery include high-necked jars, dishes, bowls, basins, vases, and beakers.
• Notable features of Savalda pottery include painted designs of tools, weapons, and geometric motifs over the slip.

Kaothe Site

• Kaothe is a site associated with the Savalda culture, covering an area of 20 hectares.
• The shallow 50 cm thick deposit at Kaothe suggests a short-duration, nomadic occupation.
• Houses at Kaothe were likely round or oval with sloping roofs.
• Numerous bone tools and beads made of shell, opal, carnelian, and terracotta were found at the site.
• Animal bones identified include those of wild deer, domesticated cattle, buffalo, sheep/goat, and dog.
• Plant remains consisted of various millets and pulses such as gram and moong.
• The pottery from Kaothe included sturdy wares with geometric and naturalistic designs.

Daimabad Site

• Daimabad, located on the banks of the Pravara river in Ahmednagar district of Maharashtra, also exhibits a Savalda culture phase.
• Evidence from Daimabad suggests a non-semi-nomadic community with mud houses, some large and multi-roomed, featuring hearths, storage pits, and jars.
• Some houses had courtyards, and a lane was traced in one area of the site.
• Excavations at Daimabad yielded microliths, bone and stone artefacts, and beads made of shell, carnelian, steatite, and terracotta.
• A notable find was a phallus-shaped object made of agate found inside a house.
• Plant remains from Daimabad included wheat, barley, pea, lentil, black gram, and green gram.

Middle Ganga Plain and Eastern India

Archaeological discoveries in eastern India, particularly in the Middle Ganga Plain and parts of Bihar, reveal a rich history of early food-producing settlements and agricultural communities. These findings span from the Neolithic period to the medieval era, showcasing the evolution of human societies in this fertile region.

1. Early Settlements in the Middle Ganga Plain

• Initially, evidence of early food-producing settlements was found in the northern Vindhyan fringes and the Middle Ganga Valley, including sites like Koldihwa, Mahagara, Kunjhun, and Lahuradeva.
• Sohagaura, located in the Sarayupara plain of northeastern Uttar Pradesh, is a key site within the Middle Ganga Plain. This area is bordered by the Ghaghara River to the south and west, the Gandak River to the east, and extends up to the Himalayan foothills.
• Excavations at Sohagaura, conducted in the 1960s and 1970s, revealed a six-fold cultural sequence ranging from the Neolithic period to the medieval era.
• During the Neolithic period (Period I), evidence included handmade pottery with coarse or medium fabric, often rusticated or cord impressed.

2. Neolithic and Neolithic-Chalcolithic Sites in North Bihar

• Several Neolithic and Neolithic-Chalcolithic sites have been identified in the alluvial plains of north Bihar, indicating the presence of agricultural villages along riverbanks during the 3rd/2nd millennium BCE.
• Excavated sites such as Chirand, Senuar, Chechar-Kutubpur, Maner, and Taradih demonstrate the establishment of full-fledged agricultural communities in the Gangetic plains of Bihar.
• Chirand, located at the confluence of the Sarayu and Ganga rivers, features a large mound with a thick occupational deposit dating back to the mid-3rd millennium BCE or earlier.
• Various tools made from quartzite, basalt, and granite, including stone celts and hammer stones, as well as pestles, querns, and balls, were discovered. Microlithic blades and points made from materials like chalcedony, chert, agate, and jasper were also found.
• A significant number of bone and antler implements, such as celts, scrapers, chisels, hammers, needles, points, borers, awls, diggers, and pins, were unearthed. Bone ornaments, including pendants, earrings, bangles, discs, and combs, as well as bangles made from tortoise bone and ivory, were present.

3. Pottery and Ornaments

• The pottery from Neolithic Chirand included red, grey, and black wares, with some examples of black-and-red ware. Most pottery was handmade, although some exhibited turntable techniques.
• Decorative elements such as painted and scratched designs, usually in red ochre, were common, along with burnished exteriors on grey pots. Various shapes of vases and bowls were produced.
• An array of beads made from agate, carnelian, jasper, and marble was also discovered.

Neolithic Sites in the Middle Ganga Plain

Chirand

• Site known for its early agricultural community.
• Excavations revealed various terracotta artifacts such as beads, bangles, wheels, and figurines of animals.
• Evidence of food production with remains of rice, wheat, barley, and lentils, along with animal bones indicating hunting and fishing.
• The presence of burnt clay chunks with impressions suggests houses were destroyed by fire.
• Later, chalcolithic occupation levels were also found.

Chechar-Kutubpur

• Located across the Ganga river from Patna, this site showed changes in pottery over three phases of Neolithic occupation.
• People lived in circular huts with mud floors and central hearths.
• Numerous tools made of bone and antler, along with micro-beads of steatite and chalcedony, were discovered.

Senuar (Ancient Mound)

• Situated on the banks of the Kudra river in Bihar, this site has four periods of occupation ranging from Neolithic to early centuries CE.
• Period I, which includes Neolithic and Chalcolithic phases, showed evidence of early agricultural practices and was dated through radiocarbon methods.
• The lower levels of Period I were dated to around 1770–1400 BCE, indicating early agricultural activities in the region.

Senuar: Period IA

• Neolithic Deposit: At Senuar, Period IA revealed a 1.5-meter-thick neolithic deposit featuring remnants of wattle-and-daub houses.
• Pottery Varieties: Three main types of pottery were identified: red ware, burnished red ware, and burnished grey ware. Some pottery was rusticated, while others had designs created by cord impressions. Common shapes included wide-mouthed shallow bowls, channelled bowls, vases, and spouted vessels. Most pottery was wheel-made, though some were handmade.
• Lithic Tools: Numerous microliths, flakes, and blades made from materials like chert, chalcedony, agate, quartz, and quartzite were discovered. Additionally, triangular polished celts, stone pestles, saddle querns, hammer stones, and sling balls of various sizes were found.
• Bone Tools: Bone tools, including points with wear marks at the tips, were also part of the assemblage.
• Beads: Beads made from semi-precious stones were among the findings.

Animal Remains: The analysis of animal bones indicated the presence of domesticated animals such as cattle, buffalo, sheep, goats, pigs, cats, and dogs. Wild animals identified included nilgai, antelope, and chital. The presence of charring and cut marks on many bones suggested that these animals were processed for food. Evidence of shellfish consumption was found through remains of molluscs and a large number of shells. Interestingly, despite the site’s riverbank location, no fish bones were reported.

Agricultural Evidence: Carbonized grains indicated that people cultivated two crops a year, with rice (Oryza sativa) being the primary crop. Other crops included barley, dwarf wheat (Triticum sphaerococcum), sorghum millet, ragi millet, lentils, grass peas (Lathyrus sativus), and field peas (Pisum arvense).

Senuar: Period IB

• Neolithic-Chalcolithic Deposit: Period IB at Senuar consisted of a 2.02-meter-thick deposit. House floors were constructed of well-rammed earth mixed with kankar and potsherds, with visible post-hole marks in some areas.
• Copper and Lead Objects: Nineteen copper objects were discovered, including a fishhook, wire, rings, a broken needle, and several fragmented or unidentified items. A fragmentary lead rod was also found. Chemical analysis of the copper wire indicated it was made of nearly pure copper, likely sourced from the nearby Rakha mines.
• Artefact Comparison: Artefacts from Period IB were similar to those from Period IA, but pottery showed significant improvement, especially in surface treatment. While most pots were wheel-made, some handmade pieces were present. Vessels featured fine slips and high-quality burnishing.
• Pottery Decoration: Post-firing red ochre paintings, previously found only on burnished grey ware, were now also seen on burnished red ware. Painted decorations became more frequent, with pots often adorned with thumb or finger impressions, rope, or notched patterns on appliqué bands of clay.

During Period IB, there was an increase in the number of stone tools compared to the earlier phase, including many polished stone celts primarily made of black basalt. Microliths were also found in large quantities. The materials used for the tools were similar to those in Period IA, but there were a few new shapes introduced. Shell ornaments included triangular pendants, and there were many finished and unfinished beads made from semi-precious stones such as agate, carnelian, and jasper. Additionally, twenty-five faience beads were discovered. Terracotta artefacts consisted of beads, pottery discs, a bull figurine, and possibly a whistle. Some pottery discs may have been used as wheels for toys or gaming counters for children, while those with holes might represent spindle whorls. In Period IB, along with the grains from Period I, there were new plant remains including bread wheat, chickpea or gram, and moong. There were also cultural similarities observed between neolithic Chirand and Senuar.

The site of Maner, located near Patna along an old course of the Ganga, revealed a neolithic deposit 3.45 m thick containing handmade red ware and burnished red and grey wares. The pottery included long-necked vases, bowls with short stems, lipped bowls, and spouted bowls. Other artefacts found at Maner included stone microliths, bone points, and terracotta spindle whorls. Taradih, situated near the Mahabodhi temple at Bodh Gaya, showed two phases of neolithic occupation. Period IA featured hand-made burnished and un-burnished red wares and cord-impressed wares, while Period IB saw the emergence of handmade burnished grey ware, sometimes adorned with post-firing ochre painting. Other artefacts from Taradih included neolithic celts, microliths, and bone tools. Remains of wattle-and-daub houses with hearths were discovered, along with bones of various animals such as cattle, goat, buffalo, pig, sheep, deer, bird, fish, and snail. Plant remains included grains of rice, wheat, and barley. Neolithic tools like ring stones, shouldered celts, and triangular and rectangular axes have been found in different parts of West Bengal, although the dating of these finds remains uncertain. Kuchai, an excavated site in Orissa, yielded faceted hoes, chisels, pounders, mace heads, and grinding stones, along with reddish-brown pottery tempered with coarse grit, some featuring slips and incised decorations. Neolithic materials such as faceted and shouldered celts, bar chisels, rounded butt axes, wedges, and hammer stones have been found on the surface in Mayurbhanj district, but there is ambiguity regarding their dates and cultural contexts.

Celts from Nayapur and Kuchai; Shouldered Celt from Kuchai

The north-eastern states of India, including Assam, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, and Manipur, have not been thoroughly investigated for prehistoric sites. Numerous polished stone tools have been discovered in different areas of the Khasi, Garo, Naga, and Cachar hills, but their cultural significance and dating remain unclear. It's important to note that polished celts have been found at historical levels in certain locations. Excavations have taken place at sites such as Sarutaru, Daojali Hading, and Marakdola in Assam. These sites will be examined in Chapter 5, as the neolithic layers here may be relatively recent.

Southern Neolithic Sites

The southern neolithic sites are generally dated to the period between c. 2900 and 1000 BCE. However, they can be further categorized based on their chronological and geographical contexts. The earliest dates, ranging from c. 2900 to 2400 BCE, have been established for sites such as Utnur, Pallavoy, Kodekal, and Watgal. This section focuses on these early sites, while the discussion of later ones will be reserved for Chapter 5.

The previous chapter covered the extensive paleolithic and mesolithic occupation in peninsular India. Currently, there is limited information regarding the dating of the mesolithic phase in the far southern region, and the relationship between the mesolithic and neolithic phases has not been adequately explored.

It is peculiar that there is scant evidence of neolithic sites along the south-eastern coast of India, given that this region has produced palaeolithic and mesolithic artefacts. Apart from a neolithic site in Pondicherry on the Tamil Nadu coast, there is a noticeable absence of sites in the deltas of the Pennar, Krishna, and Godavari rivers. This absence may be attributed to sites being covered by riverine silt or insufficient exploration. Nonetheless, there are numerous sites in the middle and lower Krishna valley.

In the southern part of the Deccan plateau, where granite hills emerge from the black cotton soil, the earliest neolithic villages were typically situated on hillsides and plateaux, occasionally near minor streams and, less frequently, along the banks of major rivers. A characteristic feature of many sites in this region is the presence of ash mounds. Research on the southern neolithic has largely centered around the study of these ash mounds. The two primary areas of interest are the Raichur doab, located between the Krishna and Tungabhadra rivers, and the Shorapur doab, situated between the Bhima and Krishna rivers. Excavations of ash mounds have been conducted at sites such as Utnur, Kupgal, Kodekal, and Pallavoy.

Ash Mound Sites

Ash mound sites are large piles of ash and melted material formed by the repeated burning of cow dung. These sites indicate the presence of neolithic cattle pens surrounded by strong enclosures made of tree trunks. Even today, cattle breeders in parts of central and South India use similar enclosures for their animals.

Some neolithic pens were connected to permanent settlements, while others might have been temporary camps. The regular burning of dung heaps could be linked to seasonal festivals marking the start or end of annual migrations to forest grazing areas. In peninsular India today, pastoralists still light bonfires on such occasions, and it is believed that driving cattle through fire protects them from diseases.

Excavations at Utnur, located in the Mahbubnagar district of Andhra Pradesh, revealed that the wooden enclosure of the cattle pen was rebuilt multiple times, and the dung inside was burned repeatedly. Cattle hoof prints were discovered in the ash, indicating the presence of cattle. The size of the enclosure suggested it could accommodate around 540 to 800 cattle.

Utnur also provided evidence of a small number of ground stone axes, stone blades, and handmade coarse pottery. This pottery included burnished grey or buff ware, which was usually plain but sometimes featured post-firing designs painted in red ochre. Additionally, there was ware with a red, black, or brown dressing applied before burnishing and firing, sometimes adorned with pre-firing black or purple painted designs. The material culture found at Utnur was similar to that of other sites like Piklihal, dated around 2100 BCE, and Kodekal.

Further Discussion

The Mystery of the Ash Mounds

The ash mounds, initially reported in the 1830s and 1840s, were thought to be of volcanic or limestone origin and were called ‘cinder mounds’ or ‘cinder camps.’ T. J. Newbold’s excavation at Kupgal, where he found pottery, animal bones, and a rubbing stone, suggested these mounds were human-made, not natural.

Robert Bruce Foote later linked the mounds to neolithic culture, proposing they were burnt cow dung heaps created by neolithic cattle herders. His findings at Budikanama and chemical analysis of ash mound material supported this idea.

However, Foote’s theory faced skepticism. Robert Sewell believed some mounds dated to the medieval period, while G. Yazdani and others speculated they were linked to metal workers or iron-smelting activities.

In the 1950s, researchers Raymond Allchin and F. E. Zeuner advanced the understanding of ash mounds. Zeuner’s chemical and microscopic analysis of ash from Kudatini confirmed it was dung, likely cattle dung. Allchin’s archaeological survey in the Raichur doab, especially at Utnur, connected ash mounds with cattle pens, supporting Foote’s theory. Their work revealed that cattle dung was burnt multiple times deliberately, not by accident.

Remaining questions include whether dung was burnt in situ or collected and heaped up, the reasons for regular burning, and potential symbolic significance. Allchin proposed these ash fires might represent annual seasonal rituals of purification.

Another issue that needs to be addressed is the connection between ash mounds and settlements. Allchin proposed that there are two types of ash mounds:

• Ash mounds near permanent settlements, like Kupgal and Gadiganur.
• Ash mounds not linked to any settlements, including some of the largest ones, like Kudatini and Utnur.

However, based on his excavations at Budihal, K. Paddayya argued that ash mounds and habitation areas are not different types of sites but are actually connected. He also believed that ash mounds were not formed by burning dung on site, but rather by piling up dung and garbage cleared from pens and houses and then burning it.

It's important to note that ash mounds are not found at all southern Neolithic sites. For example, in the Pennar basin of Cuddapah district in Andhra Pradesh, there are Neolithic sites without ash mounds. The same is true for sites in the upper Tungabhadra valley and southern Karnataka.

P. C. Venkatasubbaiah suggested that the absence of ash mounds in the Cuddapah district could be due to differences in subsistence systems. In this area, people engaged in animal breeding but also relied on farming millet and pulses. Because agriculture was important, cow dung was used as manure instead of being burned for ceremonial or other purposes.

Another possibility is that even if agriculture was practiced at many southern Neolithic sites (and there is increasing evidence to support this), manuring may not have been necessary. In such cases, dung and dung ash could have been used for plastering houses, but they did not hold the same value as resources do for villagers today. The reasons for the presence or absence of ash mounds at southern Neolithic sites may be more related to differences in cultural traditions rather than subsistence practices.

The relative dating of ash mound and non-ash mound sites is still not fully understood, and further investigations are needed. It is likely that not all ash mound sites represent the same type of settlement pattern.

SOURCE Korisettar et al., 2003

Recent excavations at Watgal and Budihal employed new archaeological methods and techniques, with a particular focus on the meticulous collection and analysis of animal and plant remains. Watgal, situated in the Raichur district of north Karnataka, yielded its earliest calibrated radiocarbon date ranging from 2900 to 2600 BCE, indicating continuous occupation into the 1st millennium BCE. Period I at this site featured a microlithic industry primarily consisting of blades and lunates crafted from chert and quartzite, along with substantial flakes of basalt and dolerite.

Watgal

• Period IIA (c. 2700–2300 BCE):
  • Characterized by diverse stone tools and underground storage pits.
  • Earliest evidence of betel nut ( Areca catechu ) use in South Asia with the discovery of two carbonized seeds.
  • Dominance of chert microliths.
  • Predominantly handmade pottery, some possibly made on a slow wheel, including coarse red and grey wares and burnished grey ware with red ochre post-firing painting.
  • Presence of marine shell beads.
  • Burials included urn and extended burials marked by stones, without grave goods.
• Period IIB (c. 2300–2000 BCE):
  • Continuity of storage pits and burial practices from Period IIA.
  • Introduction of pots as grave goods.
  • Increased variety and quantity of artefacts, including microliths, milling stones, beads of marine shell, stone, and terracotta, and a shell pendant.
  • Discovery of animal and human terracotta figurines, including a female torso representation.
  • Continuation of earlier pottery types with a slight increase in wheel-made pottery.
• Periods III and IV (post-2000 BCE):
  • Evidence of copper/bronze and iron.

Budihal

• Excavated by K. Paddayya and others, aiming to understand ash mounds in relation to ecology and material evidence.
• Located on a sandstone plateau with thin brown soil, comprising four localities (I–IV) within a 400 × 300 m area, each featuring an ash mound and habitational deposit.
• Western site area (about 4.5 ha) littered with chert tools and waste chert material, indicating a chert blade-working area.
• Nearby sandstone boulders with grinding and polishing grooves suggest stone tool production activities.
• Chert tools likely exported to other Neolithic settlements in the Shorapur doab and beyond.

Archaeological Findings at Budihal: A Detailed Overview

Excavation Findings

• The central area of the site at Budihal, known as Locality I, revealed that the ash deposits were situated in the middle of the site.
• Within the ash mound, two distinct areas were identified:
  • Cattle-Penning Area : Located on the east side, this area showed evidence of multiple episodes of cattle penning, dung accumulation, and burning.
  • Cow Dung Disposal Area : Found on the west side of the mound.
• A total of 12 structures were discovered in the 1.34-hectare habitational area surrounding the ash deposit, including:
  • Platform for Chert Working : Used for processing chert, which was sourced from 5–6 km north of the site.
  • Pottery Storage Area : Designated for storing pottery.
  • Round Dwelling Units : These units had low walls made of stone blocks packed in mud.

Artefacts and Burials

• A total of 10 child burials were found in the habitational area, some in pits and others in pots.
• Artefacts recovered from the ash mound and residential area included:
  • Red and grey pottery
  • Ground stone tools
  • Chert blades
  • Bone tools, including axe heads
  • Beads made of shell, bone, and semi-precious stones

Botanical and Faunal Remains

• Through the flotation of soil samples, seeds of three wild plants were identified: ber, Indian cherry, and amla (Emblic myrabolans). A few grains of domesticated horse gram were also found.
• Faunal remains from about 15 domesticated and wild animal species were identified, with the bones of domesticated cattle being the most numerous. This indicates that the Neolithic people of Budihal primarily specialized in cattle rearing, along with some sheep, goat, buffalo, and fowl.
• Bones of wild animals included nilgai, blackbuck, antelope, monitor lizard, tortoises, birds, fish, crabs, and molluscs.
• An intriguing discovery was the identification of a butchering area within the settlement, located on the southern side of the ash mound.

Chronology

• Eleven radiocarbon dates ranging from approximately 1900 to 1400 BCE were obtained for the ash mound and habitational area at Budihal. When calibrated, these dates provide a range of 2180 to 1600 BCE.

Community Feasting at Neolithic Budihal

Discovery of a Butchering Area

• In a trench excavated in the southern part of Budihal, the archaeological team found a floor made of a kankar-like material, which was actually a mixture of ash, clay, potsherds, bone, and charcoal. This mixture was rammed together to create a hard surface, covering an area of 200–250 square meters.
• The floor was strewn with a large number of animal bones, primarily from cattle but also from sheep, goats, buffalo, and wild animals, indicating that this was a butchering area. Stone tools, including chopping tools and chert blades, were also found, suggesting that meat was processed here.

Evidence of Meat Roasting

• Three small pits found in the northern part of the butchering area contained ashy soil, charcoal, and burnt bones, indicating that this was a site for roasting meat.

Community Use of the Area

• The size and location of the butchering floor, along with the large number of bones and tools, suggest that this area was used by the entire community or a large part of it, perhaps on special or ceremonial occasions when animals were killed and their meat shared.
• The presence of sandstone blocks, bone splinters, and bone artifacts indicates that bone tools were made on-site and used for marrow extraction and hide working.

Observations by Paddayya

• Paddayya noted that neolithic ash mounds and habitation sites were closely related, with ash mound sites being described as neolithic pastoral settlements with ash deposits.
• These sites are typically found in hilly areas near perennial water sources, with good pasture land but poor agricultural soils.
• Garbage from penning cattle and household refuse was dumped and periodically burnt to keep the settlement clean and protect against health hazards.

Ritual Significance

• The burning of cow dung could also have had ritual significance, aimed at promoting cattle fertility. Some ash mounds were so large that they may have served as regional or local centers for periodic cattle fairs.

The evidence from Budihal is significant because it demonstrates the complementary relationship between ash mounds and what appears to be a long-term habitation site. However, it is not yet definitively proven that a similar situation existed at other locations. There may be variations among sites, with some being single, independent sites, while others consist of pairs or clusters, like Kupgal, Budihal, and Palavoy. Additionally, some sites may represent short-term camps of pastoralists, while others indicate more extended habitation.

There are differing opinions regarding the subsistence base of the southern Neolithic sites:

• Fully Sedentary Farmers: Some believe that Neolithic people were fully sedentary farmers who cleared forests for agriculture.
• Nomadic Pastoralists: Others argue that while agriculture was practiced to some extent, these people were primarily nomadic pastoralists.
• Sedentary Pastoralists: A third perspective is that they were sedentary pastoralists who did not engage in agriculture at all.

Raymond and Bridget Allchin suggest that ash mound sites like Utnur and Kudatini represent seasonal cattle camps and indicate a transition from early cattle pastoralism to later agriculture. However, the early date from Watgal, which lacks ash mounds, shows that ash mound sites were not necessarily the earliest.

The presence of faunal remains, ash mounds, terracotta figurines of humped cattle, and rock bruisings of cattle on rocks around some settlements highlights the importance of cattle rearing in the southern Neolithic. Cattle, specifically Bos indicus, dominate the faunal assemblage in both ash mound and non-ash mound sites. Sheep and goat bones are found in smaller quantities, while horse remains raise questions about whether they are wild or domesticated. Bones of water buffalo and pig, both wild and domesticated, occur occasionally, along with wild and domesticated fowl remains.

Until recently, there was limited evidence of agriculture at South Indian Neolithic sites, with occasional discoveries of charred grain and grinding stones suggesting a focus on cattle rearing. Some scholars argued that the terrain, soil, and dry climate were unsuitable for agriculture. However, recent research has revealed a variety of plant remains at southern Neolithic sites, indicating the presence of millets as a staple crop, along with pulses and ber seeds. Fragments of wild areca nut were found at Watgal.

Harappan Trade and Craft Evidence

• Current evidence from various archaeological sites indicates limited craft or trade activities during the period in question.
• While copper and bronze objects have been found at several locations, there is no proof of local smelting or working of these metals. This raises the question of whether these objects were acquired through exchange or trade from other regions.
• For instance, a pair of gold earrings discovered at the Neolithic site of Tekkalakota suggests that the gold used in Harappan contexts may have originated from the Kolar fields in Karnataka. This finding implies a trade relationship between urban Harappan communities and Neolithic populations in South India.
• Additionally, marine shells and marine shell artifacts found at Watgal point to exchanges with coastal areas, likely along the western coast of India.

Chalcolithic Phase in Andhra Pradesh

• The onset of the Chalcolithic phase is evident at sites like Singanapalli and Ramapuram in the Kurnool district of Andhra Pradesh.
• These sites have been excavated, although comprehensive excavation reports are not yet available.
• Radiocarbon dating from Ramapuram suggests a timeframe of approximately 2455 to 2041 BCE for the site's occupation.
• Excavations at Ramapuram have revealed several significant findings, including:
• House floors plastered with lime, indicating advanced construction techniques.
• Wheel-made painted pottery, predominantly featuring black-on-red designs, showcasing artistic skill and technological development.
• Microliths, which are small stone tools typically used for hunting or gathering.
• Beads made from semi-precious stones, suggesting trade or access to a variety of materials.

The Life of Early Farmers

Early farming communities were often thought to be self-sufficient and in balance with their food supply and population. However, the situation is more complex than that. It's not just about having enough food; food plays a crucial role in human life beyond mere survival. The way food is obtained and consumed is a social activity and involves aspects like hospitality, gift-giving, trade, and social norms. Food preferences and preparation methods are important parts of social life, both within families and larger groups. For example, the site of Budihal shows how communities in the neolithic period prepared and shared food together.

While we can make some guesses about the social and political structures of early farming communities, it's important to realize that these communities were not all the same. Some sites show evidence of small groups with simple social structures, while others indicate more complex societies. The way these communities made a living would have varied based on the resources available in their environment and how they adapted to it. Differences in tools, pottery, and housing suggest that there were various craft traditions and ways of life. Burial practices and objects used in rituals indicate different belief systems and customs among these early farmers.

There is a perspective that life for farmers was easier compared to the struggle and lack of free time experienced by prehistoric hunter-gatherers. However, this view can be challenged, and it is an oversimplification to think of early farmers’ lives as comfortable and easy. Farmers were actually quite vulnerable. Just like today, they faced risks such as droughts leading to poor harvests, pests or diseases destroying crops, and storage issues like mould and rodents ruining their hard-earned grain reserves.

Despite the differences in the lifestyles of early farmers and the need to move beyond stereotypical ideas, it is possible to identify certain general features of the impact of the transition from hunting-gathering to food production. Earlier, it was pointed out that elements of sedentary living can be seen among certain hunting-gathering groups, while some farmers and pastoralists retain a migratory lifestyle. There are also different views on whether sedentary living preceded or followed the beginnings of agriculture. However, there is no doubt that in the long run, the transition to agriculture did lead to increasing levels of sedentariness among most communities. Studies of nutrition and disease based on an analysis of human bones suggest that hunter-gatherers had a high-protein diet, one that was more varied, balanced, and healthy compared to that of early farmers, whose diet tended to be high in carbohydrates, with an emphasis on cereals or root crops. Sedentary people were also more vulnerable to infectious diseases and epidemics than nomadic groups. This may help explain the high incidence of disease reflected in the bones of certain early farming communities. Living for long periods in one place would have fostered a stronger connection between people and their environmental niche. A sedentary lifestyle, along with the associated agricultural diet, would have reduced stress on women during pregnancy and provided more stable conditions for mothers and children after childbirth. Additionally, high-carbohydrate diets are linked to shorter birth intervals. All these factors would have contributed to higher birth rates. Sedentary living would have been easier for children and the elderly, potentially leading to lower death rates and increased life expectancy. For these reasons, the advent of food production would, in the long run, have resulted in population growth and changes in the age profiles within communities. Food production necessitated new toolkits and equipment. It also involved a different scheduling of subsistence activities and shifts in the contributions of men, women, children, and the elderly. Moreover, there would have been a change in the food ethic—hunter-gatherers typically collect food for immediate consumption on a short-term basis. In contrast, farmers needed to produce and store food for future use. The focus shifted from meeting immediate daily needs to long-term planning and strategies for food production and storage.

Some researchers suggest that women might have played a leading role in the early experiments of plant domestication. This idea comes from studies showing a strong link between women and horticultural activities. In hunting-gathering societies, where men typically hunted and women gathered food, it seems plausible that women were the pioneers of early agriculture.

Additionally, since pottery is associated with food storage and cooking—tasks often linked to women—it is possible that they were instrumental in the technological advancements of pottery making. Modern potters have noted that creating pots is a time-consuming process involving more than just the potter shaping the final product. Women and children might have contributed by collecting and processing clay, gathering firewood, stacking it in the kiln, and decorating the pots. While ethnographic evidence is not definitive, it is compelling in this context, suggesting women’s involvement in significant cultural progress during the shift to food production.

Craft Specialization and Trade in the Neolithic

• The neolithic period, often associated with basic subsistence activities, also witnessed specialized crafts and long-distance trade in locations like Mehrgarh. Sites such as Kunjhun and Ganeshwar show advanced craft traditions and specialization. Evidence from various sites indicates the presence of distinct areas within settlements designated for specific activities like cattle rearing, craft production, and butchering. This division reflects the community's collective decision-making in organizing space and tasks.
• Some neolithic communities were engaged with early urban cultures, indicating a level of interaction beyond simple subsistence.

Social Organization and Political Control

• As larger groups began to settle in villages, they needed to develop new ways of interacting and cooperating, different from those of hunter-gatherer bands. Early farming and pastoral communities were likely differentiated by age and sex.
• Differences in house sizes and grave goods at some sites suggest the presence of social hierarchies. To regulate economic activities and social relations, these larger groups would have required some form of political organization and control.

Changes in Cultic and Belief Systems

The shift in subsistence practices likely brought about changes in symbolic and belief systems. However, defining religious or cultic activities and identifying their traces in the archaeological record poses a challenge. In the previous chapter, we noted that some of the palaeolithic and mesolithic art remains may have been linked to magico-religious beliefs and hunting rituals.

The advent of crop cultivation and animal domestication probably heightened concerns about fertility and magico-religious methods of controlling it. From neolithic levels onwards, terracotta female figurines found at certain sites, particularly in the north-western zone, have often been labeled as 'Mother Goddesses.' Farming communities likely associated women with fertility due to their ability to give birth, and it is possible that they worshipped images of goddesses linked to fertility.

However, the interpretation of these female figurines is highly subjective. It is unclear whether they represented goddesses, toys, decorative items, or clay portraits of ordinary women. Similarly, the humped bull figurines discovered at sites such as Rana Ghundai, Mehrgarh, Mundigak, Bala Kot, Gilund, Balathal, and Chirand raise questions about their cultic significance. Unless their form or context clearly indicates religious or cultic meaning, caution is necessary when making inferences about the role and function of terracotta figurines.

Female Figurines: Ordinary Women or Goddesses?

In the past, researchers commonly labeled all female figurines found at archaeological sites as ‘Mother Goddesses.’ This was based on the belief that fertility goddess worship was crucial in agricultural societies worldwide. Additionally, this perspective was influenced by later Hindu practices where goddess worship was significant. However, scholars now recognize the stylistic and technical variations among different groups of female figurines.

Moreover, it is clear that not all goddesses were part of a single cult, and not all ancient goddesses were linked to motherhood. Given these considerations, the term ‘Mother Goddess’ is being replaced with the more neutral phrase ‘female figurines with likely cultic significance.’ This change acknowledges that while some figurines may have had religious or cultic meanings, such as being objects of worship or votive offerings in domestic rituals, not all of them served such purposes. The significance or function of these figurines, whether human or animal, needs to be evaluated based on their context and not assumed. The context in which they were found is crucial for understanding their possible meanings.

Female Figurine from Mehrgarh

The practice of intentional and standardized burials did not originate in the neolithic or neolithic–chalcolithic phase, but their occurrence increased during this period. These burials indicate the importance attached to the bodily remains of the deceased. When burials are found within habitation areas, it is challenging to determine whether the dead were honored, feared, or a combination of both. The patterns in burial orientation and form suggest the presence of funerary customs followed by certain community members. Multiple burials may signify either simultaneous deaths or strong kinship bonds. The tradition of covering bodies with red ochre before burial at Mehrgarh implies a fertility ritual. The joint burials of humans and animals at Burzahom reflect a close bond between people and the animals involved. The distinction between simple and elaborate graves likely represents variations in funerary customs associated with individuals of different social ranks. The inclusion of food items among grave goods indicates a belief in an afterlife. Secondary burials suggest multi-stage funerary practices and rituals. Further investigation is needed to understand the social implications of changes in burial practices at specific sites.

Conclusions

There is a significant variation in the timeline and specifics of how early food-producing societies adapted to their environments. Around 7000–3000 BCE, food-producing villages began to appear in Baluchistan and the northern fringes of the Vindhyas. The number and geographical spread of these settlements increased around 3000–2000 BCE. The early stages of animal and plant domestication did not result in the extinction of hunting and gathering. One notable aspect of this period was the coexistence and interaction among various communities, including neolithic, neolithic–chalcolithic, rural chalcolithic, urban chalcolithic, and hunter-gatherer groups. In the long run, the significance of the advent of food production lay not only in its immediate effects but also in the potential it created for future changes. In certain regions, the process of food production and its associated cultural developments eventually paved the way for the emergence of proto-urban settlements and, subsequently, fully developed cities.