There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent andndash; the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that andldquo;in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirableandrdquo;. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governorandrsquo;s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governorandrsquo;s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are Indiaandrsquo;s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kiplingandrsquo;s phrase, andldquo;as bandar log without the lawandrdquo;. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a peopleandrsquo;s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?

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There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.
Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.
Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.
We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.
Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.

Q. The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?

a)
The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.
b)
The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.
c)
The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitution
d)
The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.

Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?

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The money was wrongly distributed to the private institutions. In order to stop, if a regulatory body such as that highlighted in the passage is made accountable then the institutions will deter from engaging in such malpractices. Thus, option 1 should be a step taken by the government in order to stop the malpractice. Limiting the grant to a few institutions (option 2) and reducing the number of educational institutions (option 3) aren't favourable moves. Checking the identity card (option 4) could be a practice at the recipient's level but at the institution level, it wouldn't do much.

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There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author proposes a change in the method of appointment of Governors to protect democracy, what is the new process being proposed by him?

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There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The Constituent Assembly agreed to what method for selection of the Governor?

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Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed summoned his secretary, K. Balachandran, at around 11:15 p.m. on 25 June 1975. Ten minutes later, Balachandran met the pyjama-clad president in the private sitting room of his official residence at Rashtrapati Bhavan. The president handed his secretary a one-page letter from Indira Gandhi marked Top Secret. Referring to the prime ministers discussion with the president earlier that day, the letter said she was in receipt of information that internal disturbances posed an imminent threat to Indias internal security. It requested a proclamation of Emergency under Article 352 (1) if the president was satisfied on this score. She would have preferred to have first consulted the cabinet, but there was no time to lose. Therefore, she was invoking a departure from the Transaction of Business Rules in exercise of her powers under Rule 12 thereof. The president asked for his aides opinion on the letter, which did not have the proposed proclamation attached. Balachandran said that such a proclamation was constitutionally impermissible on more than one ground. At this, the president said that he wanted to consult the Indian Constitution. Balachandran retreated to his office to locate a copy. Meanwhile, the deputy secretary in the presidents secretariat showed up. The two officials launched into a discussion about the constitutionality of the prime ministers proposal before they returned to President Ahmed with a copy of the Constitution. Balachandran explained that the presidents personal satisfaction that internal disturbances posed a threat to internal security was constitutionally irrelevant. What the Constitution required was the advice of the council of ministers. Balachandran withdrew when the president said he wanted to speak to the prime minister. When he re-entered the room 10 minutes later, President Ahmed informed him that R. K. Dhawan had come over with a draft Emergency proclamation, which he had signed. Then the president swallowed a tranquilizer and went to bed.This late-night concern for constitutional propriety is revealing. What we see unfolding in the hunt for a copy of the Constitution, the leafing through of its pages to make sure that the draft proclamation met the letter of the law, is the meticulous process of the paradoxical suspension of the law by law. The substance of the discussion concerns the legality of the procedures to follow in issuing the Emergency proclamation. The political will behind the act goes unmentioned. This is because Article 352 (1) of the Constitution itself had left the judgement of the necessity for the Emergency proclamation outside the law. The doctrine of necessity regards the judgement of crisis conditions as something that the law itself cannot handle; it is a lacuna in the juridical order that the executive is obligated to remedy.[Extracted with edits and revisions from Emergency Chronicles: Indira Gandhi and Democracys Turning Point by Gyan Prakash, available now through Penguin Random House India.]Q.Why does the author suggest that the late-night emphasis on constitutional propriety is significant?

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Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed summoned his secretary, K. Balachandran, at around 11:15 p.m. on 25 June 1975. Ten minutes later, Balachandran met the pyjama-clad president in the private sitting room of his official residence at Rashtrapati Bhavan. The president handed his secretary a one-page letter from Indira Gandhi marked Top Secret. Referring to the prime ministers discussion with the president earlier that day, the letter said she was in receipt of information that internal disturbances posed an imminent threat to Indias internal security. It requested a proclamation of Emergency under Article 352 (1) if the president was satisfied on this score. She would have preferred to have first consulted the cabinet, but there was no time to lose. Therefore, she was invoking a departure from the Transaction of Business Rules in exercise of her powers under Rule 12 thereof. The president asked for his aides opinion on the letter, which did not have the proposed proclamation attached. Balachandran said that such a proclamation was constitutionally impermissible on more than one ground. At this, the president said that he wanted to consult the Indian Constitution. Balachandran retreated to his office to locate a copy. Meanwhile, the deputy secretary in the presidents secretariat showed up. The two officials launched into a discussion about the constitutionality of the prime ministers proposal before they returned to President Ahmed with a copy of the Constitution. Balachandran explained that the presidents personal satisfaction that internal disturbances posed a threat to internal security was constitutionally irrelevant. What the Constitution required was the advice of the council of ministers. Balachandran withdrew when the president said he wanted to speak to the prime minister. When he re-entered the room 10 minutes later, President Ahmed informed him that R. K. Dhawan had come over with a draft Emergency proclamation, which he had signed. Then the president swallowed a tranquilizer and went to bed.This late-night concern for constitutional propriety is revealing. What we see unfolding in the hunt for a copy of the Constitution, the leafing through of its pages to make sure that the draft proclamation met the letter of the law, is the meticulous process of the paradoxical suspension of the law by law. The substance of the discussion concerns the legality of the procedures to follow in issuing the Emergency proclamation. The political will behind the act goes unmentioned. This is because Article 352 (1) of the Constitution itself had left the judgement of the necessity for the Emergency proclamation outside the law. The doctrine of necessity regards the judgement of crisis conditions as something that the law itself cannot handle; it is a lacuna in the juridical order that the executive is obligated to remedy.[Extracted with edits and revisions from Emergency Chronicles: Indira Gandhi and Democracys Turning Point by Gyan Prakash, available now through Penguin Random House India.]Q.What inference can be drawn from the passage regarding the request for the Emergency proclamation?

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Directions: Read the following passage and answer the question.President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed summoned his secretary, K. Balachandran, at around 11:15 p.m. on 25 June 1975. Ten minutes later, Balachandran met the pyjama-clad president in the private sitting room of his official residence at Rashtrapati Bhavan. The president handed his secretary a one-page letter from Indira Gandhi marked 'Top Secret'. Referring to the prime minister's discussion with the president earlier that day, the letter said she was in receipt of information that internal disturbances posed an imminent threat to India's internal security. It requested a proclamation of Emergency under Article 352 (1) if the president was satisfied on this score. She would have preferred to have first consulted the cabinet, but there was no time to lose. Therefore, she was invoking a departure from the Transaction of Business Rules in exercise of her powers under Rule 12 thereof. The president asked for his aide's opinion on the letter, which did not have the proposed proclamation attached. Balachandran said that such a proclamation was constitutionally impermissible on more than one ground. At this, the president said that he wanted to consult the Indian Constitution. Balachandran retreated to his office to locate a copy. Meanwhile, the deputy secretary in the president's secretariat showed up. The two officials launched into a discussion about the constitutionality of the prime minister's proposal before they returned to President Ahmed with a copy of the Constitution. Balachandran explained that the president's personal satisfaction that internal disturbances posed a threat to internal security was constitutionally irrelevant. What the Constitution required was the advice of the council of ministers. Balachandran withdrew when the president said he wanted to speak to the prime minister. When he re-entered the room 10 minutes later, President Ahmed informed him that R. K. Dhawan had come over with a draft Emergency proclamation, which he had signed. Then the president swallowed a tranquilizer and went to bed.This late-night concern for constitutional propriety is revealing. What we see unfolding in the hunt for a copy of the Constitution, the leafing through of its pages to make sure that the draft proclamation met the letter of the law, is the meticulous process of the paradoxical suspension of the law by law. The substance of the discussion concerns the legality of the procedures to follow in issuing the Emergency proclamation. The political will behind the act goes unmentioned. This is because Article 352 (1) of the Constitution itself had left the judgement of the necessity for the Emergency proclamation outside the law. The doctrine of necessity regards the judgement of crisis conditions as something that the law itself cannot handle; it is a lacuna in the juridical order that the executive is obligated to remedy.Q. What can be inferred from the passage about the request for the Emergency proclamation?

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There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?

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There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? for CLAT 2024 is part of CLAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the CLAT exam syllabus. Information about There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for CLAT 2024 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?.

Solutions for There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for CLAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for CLAT Exam by signing up for free.

Here you can find the meaning of There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice There is considerable controversy over the role of the governor. The governors under the Government of India Act 1935 were by the Raj, of the Raj and for the Raj. The constituent assembly wanted elected governors as proposed by a sub-committee of B.G. Kher, K.N. Katju and P. Subbarayan. Ironically, Katju was later appointed governor of West Bengal, even though he clearly took the view that the office should be apolitical. The draft constitution of 1948 was ambivalent – the drafting committee leaving it to the constituent assembly to decide whether governors should be elected or nominated.Babasaheb Ambedkar contradicted himself in saying that the governor would be just a symbol and also have discretionary powers. On May 30-31, 1949, Brijeshwar Prasad moved an amendment that the governor be appointed by the president. K.M. Munshi supported the proposal and Nehru intervened to say that “in the present context of the constitution, [it] was not only desirable from a practical point of view but from a democratic point of view too, it was worthwhile and desirable”. In the end, Ambedkar settled the debate by saying that the governor’s powers would be circumscribed by the constitution and statute. Tactically, he left it to the constituent assembly, knowing that the amendment would be carried.Clearly, his optimistic assumption that governors would be bound in their discretion was way off the mark. The various speeches on the governor by independent members expressing concern about the governor’s powers and fearing he or she would become an agent of the Centre were more on target.We have to find a new method of appointing governors. Consultation with the state government may not be enough. Many state governments may be supportive of the government in power in Delhi. All designated governors should be summoned before the Rajya Sabha for confirmation. It does not matter if the ruling party has a majority in the house. Each governor will be thoroughly interrogated, investigated and judged on suitability. Such a procedure should be inserted by amendment.Elections are India’s greatest strength. The electorate speaks with perception, mood swings influenced by canvassing and sees to its own interest. But the cause of elections perishes if governors and union ministers behave, in Kipling’s phrase, “as bandar log without the law”. Today, governors are guilty of immense political corruption violating constitutional principles. They have demonstrated no concern for democracy or democratic principles or the importance of a people’s mandate. The issue this raises, beyond that of who became chief minister, is how governors ought to be selected. Principles emerge from good practices not bad ones. Good principles recognise constitutionalism and democracy.Q.The author states that Ambedkar contradicted himself, which statement correctly states that contradiction?a)The Governor will be constitutional discretionary head.b)The Governor was to be a symbolic head with discretionary powers.c)The Governor was to be as powerful as Governor in the British Raj but curtailed by the Constitutiond)The Governor will be a constitutional authority working with an elected state government.Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer? tests, examples and also practice CLAT tests.

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