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Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.
But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increases in public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.
What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions.  
Q. According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 were
  • a)
    Professionals
  • b)
    Managers
  • c)
    Clerical workers
  • d)
    Service workers 
Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?
Verified Answer
Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, u...
From second paragraph of the passage it may be inferred that the public-sector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 were professionals. 
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Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, u...
Understanding Public-Sector Unionization in 1977
The passage provides insights into the unionization landscape of public-sector workers in 1977. According to the data presented:
Union Representation Statistics
- In 1977, the representation of government workers by labor organizations was as follows:
- Government Professionals: 46%
- Government Blue-Collar Workers: 44%
- Government Service Workers: 41%
- Government Clerical Workers: 34%
Analysis of Union Representation
- The highest percentage of unionized workers was among government professionals at 46%. This indicates that professionals were the most likely group to belong to unions during that period.
- Clerical workers, while experiencing significant growth in unionization following 1977, were initially less represented compared to professionals, blue-collar, and service workers.
Factors Contributing to Unionization Growth
- The passage highlights that the upsurge in clerical worker unionization is attributed to:
- Increased participation of women in the workforce.
- A growing concern for job security and economic benefits.
- The impact of the women's movement encouraging activism and a positive attitude towards unions.
Conclusion
Thus, the correct answer to the question regarding which public-sector workers were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 is option 'A' (Professionals), as they had the highest union representation at that time. The data underscores the evolving dynamics of unionization, especially among clerical workers post-1977, but does not negate the higher initial representation of professionals.
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Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.The author’s claim that, since the mid-1970’s, a new strategy has emerged in the unionization of public-sector clerical workers would be strengthened if the author

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Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?
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Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? for UPSC 2025 is part of UPSC preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the UPSC exam syllabus. Information about Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for UPSC 2025 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?.
Solutions for Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for UPSC. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for UPSC Exam by signing up for free.
Here you can find the meaning of Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice Read the information given below carefully and answer.Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector clerical workers, most of whom are women, were somewhat limited. The factors favouring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the worker’s part was also a consideration, but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multi-occupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the worker’s initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where, clerical workers were few in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and expressed no interest in being organized, unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid1970‘s, a different strategy has emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labour organization, compared with 46 percent of government professionals, 44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then, however, the biggest increasesin public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977 and 1980, the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers? First, more women have entered the work force in the past few years, and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently, they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf, there by producing a more positive attitude toward unions. Q.According to the passage, the publicsector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 werea)Professionalsb)Managersc)Clerical workersd)Service workersCorrect answer is option 'A'. 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