Fascism is a collection of beliefs and ideas that started in Italy in 1919 under the leadership of Benito Mussolini. Mussolini grouped together small teams called fasci, which aimed to bring about significant changes in Italy's political system, into a larger movement known as the Fascisti. The term "fasci" refers to a bundle of rods tied with a red cord around an axe, symbolizing authority in ancient Rome. The Fascisti represented both the movement and the political party created to achieve fascism's goals.
Italian fascism had specific objectives set by Mussolini, but these objectives were a mix of unrelated ideas that didn't form a clear political philosophy. Instead, fascism became a movement that experienced temporary success in Italy. Fascism later influenced figures like Adolf Hitler and the Nazis in Germany, Francisco Franco and the Falangists in Spain, and had some support in countries like Britain and France. Some also see similarities between fascism and movements in Asia, particularly Japan, and in certain Latin American countries like Argentina.
Fascism stands in direct opposition to liberalism and Marxism, and it has a twisted relationship with idealist theory. To gain political support, fascism embraced certain theoretical ideas and aimed to unite various frustrated groups in society. However, these groups lacked common interests, ideals, or values, preventing fascism from forming a coherent political theory. It was never part of mainstream political thought.
Political theorists often examine fascism not as a model to follow, but as a way to understand 'political pathology'. This involves analyzing how leaders like Mussolini or extremist figures like Hitler can exploit the emotions of different groups during unusual circumstances to achieve goals that those people would typically oppose. Sociologists and social psychologists find valuable insights in the peculiar societal conditions that led to the emergence of fascism.
Political Turmoil
Fascism in politics is viewed as a detrimental attitude that disregards reason and ethical standards to fulfill the objectives of certain groups. This mindset poses a threat to global harmony and liberty. In contemporary usage, labeling someone as a 'fascist' is often meant as a derogatory term.
This perspective on social change places ideas or consciousness at the center of the universe and as the primary force behind all changes, standing in contrast to materialism, which is the basis of Marxism. G.W.F. Hegel, a prominent German philosopher, articulated the idealist view of human history, asserting that all social institutions mirror the evolution of idea or consciousness, culminating in the establishment of the nation-state. Hegel's philosophy advocated for the total subjugation of individuals to the state as a means to attain their freedom. Fascism misinterpreted this theory to garner support for its cause.
The rise of fascism primarily took place between the two world wars, specifically from 1919 to 1939, in countries like Italy and Germany. There were also parallels in Japan, leading to the formation of the 'Berlin-Rome-Tokyo Axis'. This alliance became a major adversary of the Allied Powers during the Second World War (1939-1945), which was fundamentally a struggle to eradicate fascism. Fascism was characterized by its rejection of democracy and often opposition to both capitalism and communism. This unique stance is why fascism faced opposition from both capitalists and communists alike. William Ebenstein, in his 1980 publication Today's Isms, emphasizes several key points about fascism:
Authoritarian Nationalism
At its core, fascism entails the all-encompassing control of government and society by a single-party dictatorship. This system is characterized by intense nationalism, racism, militarism, and imperialism. Italy was the pioneer of fascism in 1922, followed by Germany in 1933. In Asia, Japan exhibited fascist characteristics during the 1930s, gradually developing totalitarian institutions rooted in its own heritage.
R.M. Maclver, in his Web of Government (1965), highlights the shared features and contexts of Italian Fascism and German National Socialism (Nazism).
Authoritarian Influence
In challenging times when traditions are shaken, individuals, especially the youth, often lose the connections that help them express their unique personalities. They risk becoming part of the larger crowd or mob. During such periods, a leader—be it a zealot or a cunning opportunist—might rise. This leader, through their skills and persuasive abilities, can manipulate the situation and ultimately use the masses for their own purposes.
The doctrine of fascism emerged as a response against democracy, socialism, and communism. While democracy and communism are viewed as forward-thinking movements, fascism seeks to revert society to older, more oppressive social and political conditions. As per the Dictionary of Political Science (edited by Joseph Dunner in 1965):
Unlike the liberal-democratic belief in reason, fascism relies on faith and emotion as the primary motivators of human actions. Rather than viewing the individual as the ultimate goal and the state as a means to that end, fascism considers the state the highest aim and reduces the individual to a mere tool. It establishes the nation-state's control over all internal and external matters, prohibiting any human associations that might challenge its authority.
Authoritarian Unity
Fascism aims to create order within the state to compete for the loyalty of individuals, rejecting the idea of liberal democracy. In the international arena, it does not endorse international organizations for resolving disputes, instead relying on military solutions.
Fascism denies the progressive belief in human equality as a foundation for rational organization into nations or other groups. Rather, it aims for unity through homogeneity. In Germany, this mindset was reflected in racist ideologies and the plan to eliminate 'non-Aryan' elements.
The fascist contempt for democracy is evident in its policy of concentrating political power in the hands of a dictator and a single political party. This is clearly demonstrated in Mussolini's leadership style. As R.M. MacIver noted in his book, Web of Government (1965):
Fascism originated as a movement aiming to transform the social and political landscape of Italy. However, it swiftly evolved into a force opposing revolution, particularly against communism. Fascism can be viewed as counter-revolutionary because it sought to:
In simpler terms, fascism stripped away the democratic elements of capitalism that could have made it more accountable. While individuals in a capitalist society could use their political power, thanks to democracy, to enhance their lives, fascism eliminated that opportunity. Under fascism, the masses were devoid of rights or protections against the oppression from those in power.
During the liberal phase of capitalism, capitalists were somewhat inclined to make concessions to gain public support. However, in the fascist phase, these concessions were no longer necessary. The profit motive among capitalists was unrestricted by public demands or expectations. This shift resulted in:
Liberty and Control
In his work, "State in Theory and Practice" (1935), Harold J. Laski observes the relationship between capitalism, democracy, and the emergence of fascism. He argues that when capitalism and democracy worked together, they benefited the public and created a sense of fulfillment. However, when this partnership faltered and capitalism sought to undermine these benefits, fascism emerged as a response.
Laski's analysis highlights the transformation of democratic capitalism into fascism when capitalist interests override public benefits.
The individual's potential is realized through the goals set by the state. However, in fascist societies, this goal often entails sacrificing the ordinary worker to meet the profit demands of capitalists.
According to Mussolini in his famous article in the Encyclopaedia Italiana (1932):
Mythical Struggles
Fascism often portrays itself as a unified nation with common interests, rejecting the concept of class struggle. It does not rely on logic to uncover the truth; instead, it celebrates the power of myth to bring together different social classes. As Mussolini expressed in a speech in Naples in 1922:
“We have created our myth. The myth is a faith, it is passion. It does not need to be a reality. It becomes a reality because it is a goad, a hope, a faith, and it represents courage. Our myth is the nation, our myth is the greatness of the nation.”
Hitler similarly crafted the myth of race and shaped his racist beliefs in line with the fascist perspective of the nation. In his notorious book Mein Kampf ('My Struggle') (1925-26), he emphasized the powerful impact of propaganda, particularly deceitful propaganda. Fascism intentionally ignores truth and reason to advance its sinister goals and suppress revolutionary movements.
Some authors, like W.M. McGovern (From Luther to Hitler; 1941) and R.M. MacIver (The Web of Government; 1965), view fascism as a movement of the lower middle class. However, this view appears to be mistaken upon further analysis. It is true that fascism appealed to small business owners, such as individual shopkeepers, who felt their livelihoods were threatened by:
Authoritarian Regime
Fascism did not originate from a movement led by the lower middle class. The fascist militia comprised individuals from the working class who lacked class loyalty and self-respect. In reality, fascism sought to garner support from various segments of society through false promises and manipulative tactics. To grasp the true social and economic roots of fascism, it is crucial to identify the class it intended to serve.
According to Laski in his State in Theory and Practice (1935), fascism is often viewed as serving the interests of the capitalist class at the expense of the masses, particularly the working class. Fascism created the illusion of a nation to concentrate economic and political power in the hands of a few individuals, demanding blind obedience and loyalty from the general population to the established authority. Laski concluded that Italian fascism, stripped of its rhetoric, was simply an insistence on compulsory obedience to a state aimed at protecting existing class relations.
Rather than genuinely representing the interests of the nation, fascism sought to exploit social tensions and crises to justify the need for absolute authority and unquestioning obedience. William Ebenstein argued that fascism does not arise merely from the conditions of capitalism ; it emerges in contexts where democracy is particularly weak.
Social Turmoil
Ebenstein suggests that economic depression alone does not automatically lead to fascism. However, the fear and frustration resulting from economic hardship can create conditions conducive to fascism. During depressions, these negative emotions can erode trust in the democratic process, making people more susceptible to extremist ideologies.
Ebenstein argues that while economic hardship from unemployment can be alleviated through adequate relief measures, the feeling of being useless and unwanted can fuel the rise of fascism. During a depression, fascism appeals to those who feel spiritually homeless.
Ebenstein argues that as long as capitalism can accommodate the democratic aspirations of the people, it is unlikely to degenerate into fascism. He is optimistic about capitalism's potential to do this. On the other hand, Laski believes that if the relationship between capitalism and democracy reaches its logical conclusion, it will transform capitalism itself. However, unrestrained capitalism would crush democratic aspirations and degenerate into fascism.
Political Extremism
Fascism is not a coherent ideology. It is a puzzling mix of different elements. As Laski puts it:
Fascism, upon closer inspection, turns out to be just a haphazard collection where various remnants from diverse philosophies try to find a place. (The State in Theory and Practice; 1935)
Fascism aimed to merge various theoretical ideas to create a tool for mass appeal and mobilization towards the political goals set by an elite controlling both politics and the economy. Mussolini acknowledged this in a 1924 article:
We Fascists have had the courage to discard all traditional political theories, and we are aristocrats and democrats, revolutionaries and reactionaries, proletarians and anti-proletarians, pacifists and antipacifists. Having a single fixed point, namely the nation, is sufficient. The rest is obvious.
In pursuing practical objectives, Fascism aimed to reject both liberalism and Marxism at their core. It dismissed constitutional governance and other key aspects of liberal democracy, as well as Marxism. As a result, it has faced criticism from both liberals and Marxists.
Many liberal authors have criticized fascism, particularly for its totalitarian nature and rejection of democratic processes and human rights. It is important to note that while liberalism primarily supports capitalism:
Ideological Conflict
The relationship between fascism and capitalism is a subject of debate among scholars. Some, like William Ebenstein, argue that there is no strong link between the two.
Fascism sought to weaken capitalism's positive aspects by dissociating it from democratic values and moving away from welfare state principles.
Ideological Control
Marxists view fascism as a means to protect capitalism during its decline. They argue that fascism creates a false notion of the nation to suppress class conflict and prevent global movements against communism. Antonio Gramsci, an Italian Marxist who experienced Mussolini's fascist regime, believed that fascist propaganda helped maintain capitalist hegemony and structures of domination, making these ideas seem acceptable to the public.
Leon Trotsky and others observed that support for fascism primarily came from a desperate and disconnected middle class. The widespread fear and uncertainty during crises contributed to the rise of authoritarianism in fascism.
Some liberal writers, who oppose both fascism and communism, have unfairly grouped them together as totalitarian dictatorships. For instance, R.M. Maclver and Alan Ball have used this classification. However, this view is misleading because:
G.A. Almond and G.B. Powell, in their work Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach, emphasize this distinction between fascism and communism.
Political Ideologies
Totalitarian regimes are characterized by their suppression of societal demands and their unresponsiveness to international pressures. These regimes exert control and coercion over behavior within their societies. What sets totalitarianism apart from fascist totalitarianism is its strong distributive capability. Fascism, with its regressive class nature, criticizes political attitudes that can lead to anti-human and anti-progressive forces. It seeks to limit liberty and equality while distorting justice. Essentially, fascism embodies a philosophy of extreme fringe groups that promote violence and terror, advocating the superiority of one race, sect, region, religion, language, or culture at the expense of others. Unfortunately, fascist tendencies still persist globally, posing potential threats to those who do not align with them, as well as to those who oppose them.
Anarchism is the belief that society can and should be organized without the coercive authority of the state. While some ideas related to anarchism date back to ancient times, it was William Godwin, a British political thinker, who first argued for a stateless society in his book Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793). This work is considered the first systematic defense of anarchism. P.J. Proudhon, a French philosopher, was the first to call himself an anarchist. Anarchism as a political ideology gained significant influence in the late 19th and early 20th centuries when various revolutionary movements in Western countries embraced it.
Libertarian Diversity
Anarchist thinkers aim to abolish the state, but they have different ideas about how to do this and what should replace it. They are not all the same and include a range of views, from those who want extreme socialism to those who advocate for extreme individualism. All anarchists agree on the need to get rid of forced authority, especially state authority. However, most anarchists accept the concept of rational authority, particularly from experts like scientists and doctors, as well as decisions made democratically. They generally oppose hierarchical forms of authority, such as churches, armies, bosses in capitalist businesses, and large bureaucracies.
There are several important schools of thought within anarchism, including:
Philosophical anarchism questions the idea of legitimate authority, arguing that no one, not even state officials, has the right to command others. It focuses on individual autonomy, insisting that people should act based on their own judgments. This is why it is also called individualist anarchism. The concept was first introduced by Godwin in his essay Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793). Later, German philosopher Max Stirner, in his book The Ego and His Own (1845), argued that each person is a unique individual who truly 'owns themselves,' has no obligations to others, and acts in their own best interest within their own limits. In modern times, Godwin's ideas were supported by R.P. Wolff in In Defense of Anarchism (1970).
Libertarian Equality
Philosophical anarchism does not have much potential to promote cooperation among individuals or to develop formal organizations. Its supporters are typically wary of authority, but they do acknowledge the rational authority of experts in their respective fields and the moral authority of fundamental social norms, like the principle that 'contracts should be honored.'
Philosophical anarchists may recognize political authority, in the sense of persuading others who disagree, but they reject the coercive authority of the state. Thus, decisions made by members of a commune or workers' cooperative who actively participate in the decision-making process may be considered morally binding.
Socialist anarchism emphasizes individual freedom as the ability to meet one's needs and views social and economic equality as essential for ensuring maximum freedom for everyone. It argues that social and economic equality cannot coexist with capitalist private property and the state, leading to its rejection of both. P.J. Proudhon, a French philosopher, is a key figure in socialist anarchism, advocating for 'mutual aid' as the means to achieve its objectives, which is why it is also known as 'mutualism.'
Community Support
The exchange of goods and services between voluntary associations will be based on the principle of mutual credit, ensuring that each party receives an equivalent for what it offers. A mutual credit bank will be established to lend to producers at a minimal interest rate, covering only administrative costs. Proudhon believed this system of mutual aid would foster social solidarity.
The philosophy of socialist anarchism was further developed by Peter Kropotkin (1842-1921), a Russian thinker. In Mutual Aid—a Factor of Evolution (1890—96), Kropotkin argued that the principle of 'the struggle for existence and survival of the fittest,' often misinterpreted as Darwin's, but more accurately attributed to Herbert Spencer, does not apply to the sphere of social relations.
Collective Uprising
Revolutionary anarchism is a type of socialist anarchism advocated by Mikhail Bakunin, a Russian revolutionary.
Key Features of Revolutionary Anarchism
Bakunin's Vision
Propaganda by the Deed
Revolutionary Solidarity
Nature's Dilemma
Tolstoy believed that the state tries to fight evil with more evil by using police and military force. He thought that private property lets a few people live in luxury by taking advantage of others' work. To make society better, both the state and private property should be abolished. Mahatma Gandhi, the Indian philosopher, was inspired by these ideas to develop his philosophy of non-violence.
Libertarian anarchism is a contemporary version of individualist anarchism. Its roots can be traced back to Herbert Spencer, a British philosopher from the 19th century. Spencer's concept of the 'blessedness of anarchy' envisions a market-driven society where the state is absent, and society regulates itself. Prominent modern proponents of libertarian anarchism include F.A. Hayek, an Austrian economist, and Robert Nozick, an American philosopher. Libertarianism advocates for a return to laissez-faire individualism, emphasizing minimal state interference in individuals' economic activities.
Decentralized Freedom
Libertarians advocate for minimizing the role of the state as much as possible, but they do not call for its complete abolition. Modern proponents of 'rational choice' theory make similar arguments. M. Taylor, in his essay Community, Anarchy and Liberty (1982), contended that social order is a 'public good' that is indivisible and benefits everyone without exclusion. He believed that people would willingly cooperate to establish social order, even in situations of 'anarchy'.
Anarchism presents an intriguing concept, but it holds an excessively optimistic view of human nature. If humans were as benevolent as anarchists propose, society could indeed self-regulate without the need for state intervention. The problems that anarchists aim to address would simply not exist.
Different schools of anarchism highlight the oppressive nature of economic and political power that makes people's lives miserable. The importance of these ideas lies in finding effective ways to limit that power, which will restore justice in society and lead to human freedom.
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