GMAT Exam  >  GMAT Questions  >  The two construction periods at Aztec, New Me... Start Learning for Free
The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.
Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.
The author is primarily concerned with
  • a)
    Refuting a misconception with specific support
  • b)
    Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agrees
  • c)
    Stating a theory and providing support for it
  • d)
    Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical site
  • e)
    Arguing for the existence of different cultures
Correct answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?
Verified Answer
The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the...
Passage Analysis
Summary and Main Point
Pre-Thinking
This is a Main Idea question. The correct answer must be broad enough to encompass both of the paragraphs of the passage without veering outside the scope.
Let’s review the individual paragraph summary to get to the correct answer. The first paragraph presents ample details to show that Aztec was inhabited by Chaco people. In the last paragraph, the author reiterates that Chaco people live in Aztec which was later occupied by Mesa Verde people. So the author is primarily concerned with presenting evidence that two groups of people lived in Aztec in two different times.
Answer Choices
A
Refuting a misconception with specific support
Incorrect: Out of Context
No misconception is presented here. The author does not state that some people believe Aztec was inhabited by only one culture.
B
Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agrees
Incorrect: Inconsistent
Firstly, the author does more than just describe the findings of Morris. The author proposes his/her own argument about the Chaco and Mesa Verde style, using evidence cited by Morris. Secondly, there is no reason for us to believe that the author only “partially” agrees with Morris or his findings.
C
Stating a theory and providing support for it
Correct
In the first sentence of the passage, the author states a thesis: Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people.” He then goes on to support this thesis with specific evidence proving the existence of both the Chaco and Mesa Verde people at Aztec.
D
Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical site
Incorrect: Out Of Scope
The author is merely providing the evidence that suggests two cultures inhabited Aztec. He does not appear overly concerned with emphasizing that Mesa Verde came first and Chaco second.
E
Arguing for the existence of different cultures
Incorrect: Out of Context
The author is not concerned with proving that the Chaco and the Mesa Verde “existed.” This seems like a foregone conclusion. Rather, his/her aim is to show they both inhabited the same site (Aztec, New Mexico) at different periods of time.
View all questions of this test
Explore Courses for GMAT exam

Similar GMAT Doubts

The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Perioda period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author of the passage likely mentions both Morris and the tree-ring dates in order to

Directions: Read the Passage carefully and answer the question as follow.Archaeology as a profession faces two major prob-lems. First, it is the poorest of the poor. Only paltrysums are available for excavating and even less is avail-able for publishing the results and preserving the sites(5) once excavated. Yet archaeologists deal with pricelessobjects every day. Second, there is the problem of illegalexcavation, resulting in museum-quality pieces beingsold to the highest bidder.I would like to make an outrageous suggestion that(10) would at one stroke provide funds for archaeology andreduce the amount of illegal digging. I would proposethat scientific archeological expeditions and govern-mental authorities sell excavated artifacts on the openmarket. Such sales would provide substantial funds for(15) the excavation and preservation of archaeological sitesand the publication of results. At the same time, theywould break the illegal excavator’s grip on the market,thereby decreasing the inducement to engage in illegalactivities.(20) You might object that professionals excavate toacquire knowledge, not money. Moreover, ancient arti-facts are part of our global cultural heritage, whichshould be available for all to appreciate, not sold to thehighest bidder. I agree. Sell nothing that has unique(25) artistic merit or scientific value. But, you might reply,everything that comes our of the ground has scientificvalue. Here we part company. Theoretically, you may becorrect in claiming that every artifact has potential scien-tific value. Practically, you are wrong.(30)I refer to the thousands of pottery vessels and ancientlamps that are essentially duplicates of one another. Inone small excavation in Cyprus, archaeologists recentlyuncovered 2,000 virtually indistinguishable small jugs ina single courtyard, Even precious royal seal impressions(35) known as/melekh handles have been found in abun-dance---more than 4,000 examples so far.The basements of museums are simply not largeenough to store the artifacts that are likely to be discov-ered in the future. There is not enough money even to(40) catalogue the finds; as a result, they cannot be foundagain and become as inaccessible as if they had neverbeen discovered. Indeed, with the help of a computer,sold artifacts could be more accessible than are thepieces stored in bulging museum basements. Prior to(45) sale, each could be photographed and the list of thepurchasers could be maintained on the computer Apurchaser could even be required to agree to return thepiece if it should become needed for scientific purposes.It would be unrealistic to suggest that illegal digging(50) would stop if artifacts were sold on the open market.But the demand for the clandestine product would besubstantially reduced. Who would want an unmarkedpot when another was available whose provenance wasknown, and that was dated stratigraphically by theprofessional archaeologist who excavated it?Q.The author mentions the excavation in Cyprus (lines 31-34) to emphasize which of the following points?

Directions: Read the Passage carefully and answer the question as follow.Archaeology as a profession faces two major prob-lems. First, it is the poorest of the poor. Only paltrysums are available for excavating and even less is avail-able for publishing the results and preserving the sites(5) once excavated. Yet archaeologists deal with pricelessobjects every day. Second, there is the problem of illegalexcavation, resulting in museum-quality pieces beingsold to the highest bidder.I would like to make an outrageous suggestion that(10) would at one stroke provide funds for archaeology andreduce the amount of illegal digging. I would proposethat scientific archeological expeditions and govern-mental authorities sell excavated artifacts on the openmarket. Such sales would provide substantial funds for(15) the excavation and preservation of archaeological sitesand the publication of results. At the same time, theywould break the illegal excavator’s grip on the market,thereby decreasing the inducement to engage in illegalactivities.(20) You might object that professionals excavate toacquire knowledge, not money. Moreover, ancient arti-facts are part of our global cultural heritage, whichshould be available for all to appreciate, not sold to thehighest bidder. I agree. Sell nothing that has unique(25) artistic merit or scientific value. But, you might reply,everything that comes our of the ground has scientificvalue. Here we part company. Theoretically, you may becorrect in claiming that every artifact has potential scien-tific value. Practically, you are wrong.(30)I refer to the thousands of pottery vessels and ancientlamps that are essentially duplicates of one another. Inone small excavation in Cyprus, archaeologists recentlyuncovered 2,000 virtually indistinguishable small jugs ina single courtyard, Even precious royal seal impressions(35) known as/melekh handles have been found in abun-dance---more than 4,000 examples so far.The basements of museums are simply not largeenough to store the artifacts that are likely to be discov-ered in the future. There is not enough money even to(40) catalogue the finds; as a result, they cannot be foundagain and become as inaccessible as if they had neverbeen discovered. Indeed, with the help of a computer,sold artifacts could be more accessible than are thepieces stored in bulging museum basements. Prior to(45) sale, each could be photographed and the list of thepurchasers could be maintained on the computer Apurchaser could even be required to agree to return thepiece if it should become needed for scientific purposes.It would be unrealistic to suggest that illegal digging(50) would stop if artifacts were sold on the open market.But the demand for the clandestine product would besubstantially reduced. Who would want an unmarkedpot when another was available whose provenance wasknown, and that was dated stratigraphically by theprofessional archaeologist who excavated it?Q.The primary purpose of the passage is to propose(

Directions: Read the Passage carefully and answer the question as follow.Archaeology as a profession faces two major prob-lems. First, it is the poorest of the poor. Only paltrysums are available for excavating and even less is avail-able for publishing the results and preserving the sites(5) once excavated. Yet archaeologists deal with pricelessobjects every day. Second, there is the problem of illegalexcavation, resulting in museum-quality pieces beingsold to the highest bidder.I would like to make an outrageous suggestion that(10) would at one stroke provide funds for archaeology andreduce the amount of illegal digging. I would proposethat scientific archeological expeditions and govern-mental authorities sell excavated artifacts on the openmarket. Such sales would provide substantial funds for(15) the excavation and preservation of archaeological sitesand the publication of results. At the same time, theywould break the illegal excavator’s grip on the market,thereby decreasing the inducement to engage in illegalactivities.(20) You might object that professionals excavate toacquire knowledge, not money. Moreover, ancient arti-facts are part of our global cultural heritage, whichshould be available for all to appreciate, not sold to thehighest bidder. I agree. Sell nothing that has unique(25) artistic merit or scientific value. But, you might reply,everything that comes our of the ground has scientificvalue. Here we part company. Theoretically, you may becorrect in claiming that every artifact has potential scien-tific value. Practically, you are wrong.(30)I refer to the thousands of pottery vessels and ancientlamps that are essentially duplicates of one another. Inone small excavation in Cyprus, archaeologists recentlyuncovered 2,000 virtually indistinguishable small jugs ina single courtyard, Even precious royal seal impressions(35) known as/melekh handles have been found in abun-dance---more than 4,000 examples so far.The basements of museums are simply not largeenough to store the artifacts that are likely to be discov-ered in the future. There is not enough money even to(40) catalogue the finds; as a result, they cannot be foundagain and become as inaccessible as if they had neverbeen discovered. Indeed, with the help of a computer,sold artifacts could be more accessible than are thepieces stored in bulging museum basements. Prior to(45) sale, each could be photographed and the list of thepurchasers could be maintained on the computer Apurchaser could even be required to agree to return thepiece if it should become needed for scientific purposes.It would be unrealistic to suggest that illegal digging(50) would stop if artifacts were sold on the open market.But the demand for the clandestine product would besubstantially reduced. Who would want an unmarkedpot when another was available whose provenance wasknown, and that was dated stratigraphically by theprofessional archaeologist who excavated it?Q.The author’s argument concerning the effect of the official sale of duplicate artifacts on illegal excavation is based on which of the following assumptions?

Directions: Read the Passage carefully and answer the question as follow.Archaeology as a profession faces two major prob-lems. First, it is the poorest of the poor. Only paltrysums are available for excavating and even less is avail-able for publishing the results and preserving the sites(5) once excavated. Yet archaeologists deal with pricelessobjects every day. Second, there is the problem of illegalexcavation, resulting in museum-quality pieces beingsold to the highest bidder.I would like to make an outrageous suggestion that(10) would at one stroke provide funds for archaeology andreduce the amount of illegal digging. I would proposethat scientific archeological expeditions and govern-mental authorities sell excavated artifacts on the openmarket. Such sales would provide substantial funds for(15) the excavation and preservation of archaeological sitesand the publication of results. At the same time, theywould break the illegal excavator’s grip on the market,thereby decreasing the inducement to engage in illegalactivities.(20) You might object that professionals excavate toacquire knowledge, not money. Moreover, ancient arti-facts are part of our global cultural heritage, whichshould be available for all to appreciate, not sold to thehighest bidder. I agree. Sell nothing that has unique(25) artistic merit or scientific value. But, you might reply,everything that comes our of the ground has scientificvalue. Here we part company. Theoretically, you may becorrect in claiming that every artifact has potential scien-tific value. Practically, you are wrong.(30)I refer to the thousands of pottery vessels and ancientlamps that are essentially duplicates of one another. Inone small excavation in Cyprus, archaeologists recentlyuncovered 2,000 virtually indistinguishable small jugs ina single courtyard, Even precious royal seal impressions(35) known as/melekh handles have been found in abun-dance---more than 4,000 examples so far.The basements of museums are simply not largeenough to store the artifacts that are likely to be discov-ered in the future. There is not enough money even to(40) catalogue the finds; as a result, they cannot be foundagain and become as inaccessible as if they had neverbeen discovered. Indeed, with the help of a computer,sold artifacts could be more accessible than are thepieces stored in bulging museum basements. Prior to(45) sale, each could be photographed and the list of thepurchasers could be maintained on the computer Apurchaser could even be required to agree to return thepiece if it should become needed for scientific purposes.It would be unrealistic to suggest that illegal digging(50) would stop if artifacts were sold on the open market.But the demand for the clandestine product would besubstantially reduced. Who would want an unmarkedpot when another was available whose provenance wasknown, and that was dated stratigraphically by theprofessional archaeologist who excavated it?Q.The author anticipates which of the following initial objections to the adoption of his proposal?

Top Courses for GMAT

The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?
Question Description
The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? for GMAT 2024 is part of GMAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the GMAT exam syllabus. Information about The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for GMAT 2024 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?.
Solutions for The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for GMAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for GMAT Exam by signing up for free.
Here you can find the meaning of The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice The two construction periods at Aztec, New Mexico, as indicated by the modern tree-ring dating, are corroborated nicely by other evidence found by archaeologist Earl H. Morris in the 1920’s that Aztec actually was built by one group of people, abandoned, and then reoccupied at a later date by a slightly different group of people. Throughout all the rooms he dug during his early 20th century excavations, he found sterile layers of windblown sand and ruined debris from falling walls and ceilings. In this debris and under the sand, he found Chaco-like pottery and artifacts. In addition, there were surprisingly few burial sites. Even today, archeologists have located few Chaco-type burials in Chaco Canyon itself. Whatever the burial customs of the Chaco people may have been, they have eluded archeologists for many decades. The absence of burials of this period at Aztec is a clue that probably a group of Chaco-like people, bearing the distinctive Chaco culture, may actually have moved into the Aztec area.Granting that the local sandstone was not quite as easily worked as that at Chaco, the large-size rooms, the high ceilings, the banded-veneer masonry walls, the large doorways, and other techniques used were very similar to the architectural techniques of the Chaco area. Overlying the Chaco debris and sterile sand layers, Morris found pottery, household utensils, and burials characteristic of the classic Mesa Verde Period—a period which occurred later than the great Chaco Period. In addition, there were obvious architectural signs of rebuilding and remodeling within the pueblo. Large Chaco-type rooms had been made smaller by wattle-and-daub partition walls, while doorways had been shortened and narrowed more like the ones at Mesa Verde. Thus there were two definite periods of occupation at Aztec, one by a Chaco-like people and one by a Mesa Verde-type people.The author is primarily concerned witha)Refuting a misconception with specific supportb)Describing the findings of an archaeologist with whom the author partially agreesc)Stating a theory and providing support for itd)Reframing the timeline for the habitation of a historical sitee)Arguing for the existence of different culturesCorrect answer is option 'C'. Can you explain this answer? tests, examples and also practice GMAT tests.
Explore Courses for GMAT exam

Top Courses for GMAT

Explore Courses
Signup for Free!
Signup to see your scores go up within 7 days! Learn & Practice with 1000+ FREE Notes, Videos & Tests.
10M+ students study on EduRev