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In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.
Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:
  • a)
    It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.
  • b)
    The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.
  • c)
    John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.
  • d)
    The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.
Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?
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In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by t...
Keeping in mind the prevailing situation, the author is mostly likely to agree with option (a), as the African Americans started the riot following the assassination of their leader. Option (b) is difficult to ascertain from the given paragraph. Option (c) is only partly possible as far as Biden's following of the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination is concerned. However, it is not certain whether he did that with the sole aim to write a book on it. Since the military was primarily deployed in Wilmington to quell the riot, it is unlikely that the author would agree with option (d).
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In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. What can be inferred about the plight of the African Americans in the USA according to the given passage?

In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. Out of the following options, which one is the most appropriate logical corollary to the given passage?

In light of the recent communal riots in Delhi, it has again become pertinent for policymakers and urban planners to look at urban residential segregation as one of the major factors that precipitate communal violence in India.Neighborhood diversity, for Indian urban planners, mostly meant reserving a few low-income group plots/apartments in new housing projects. The dominant strands in Indian urbanism have not studied caste or religion as a significant factor influencing the politics of space making. Any segregation, as research on race in US cities shows, is detrimental to economic growth, societal equity, and economic mobility, and leads to alienation of communities.The Harvard research found that less residential segregation results in upward social and economic mobility. Residential segregation aggravates existing socio-economic inequality. There is enough empirical evidence to suggest that neighborhoods with more diversity have lower crime rates when compared to homogeneous neighborhoods.Segregation also results in the ghettoization of minority and poor groups, and this aspect of stratification spills over to the next generations. In times of communal violence, it becomes easy to target individuals of a particular group or community — as it happened in Delhi recently.The Los Angeles riots of 1992, for example, were also a result of highly segregated residential neighborhoods with “unequal social and political endowments and economic niches”, as shown by a study conducted by the Rand Corporation.Various studies have shown that people living in heterogeneous neighborhoods are less discriminatory towards people belonging to other races and ethnic groups. If you live in segregated neighborhoods, it is easy to demonize the ‘other’— which often happens to Muslims in India. Previous research showed that many Indian cities are segregated along caste lines. Since the Census of India doesn’t make enumeration block-level data of the religious public, it becomes difficult to study residential segregation along religious lines.Researchers like Raphael Susewind have tried to overcome this lack of data by using polling booth-level data to study the residential segregation of Muslims in Indian cities. In his research study titled ‘Muslims in Indian cities: Degrees of segregation and the elusive ghetto’, Susewind uses a probabilistic algorithm to deduce the religion of the person in the voter list. The findings show that Delhi and Ahmedabad are the most segregated cities for Muslims while Jaipur, Kozhikode, and Lucknow are the least segregated.Lucknow and Jaipur have not experienced communal riots in the past many decades. As scholar Ashutosh Varshney notes, Lucknow’s only major communal riot took place in 1924, and there were no communal riots during India’s partition in 1947, or even during heightened tensions after the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. According to him, the economic integration of Muslims and Hindus in the city is the major reason for the absence of communal riots.Whether economic integration leads to diverse neighborhoods or diverse neighborhoods result in the economic integration of communities requires further research.Q. Which of the following points would the author agree with?1. Segregation of households aggravates communal violence2. In India, the town planners segregate certain accommodations for minorities 3. Jaipur might have lower crime rate against minorities than Lucknow

In light of the recent communal riots in Delhi, it has again become pertinent for policymakers and urban planners to look at urban residential segregation as one of the major factors that precipitate communal violence in India.Neighborhood diversity, for Indian urban planners, mostly meant reserving a few low-income group plots/apartments in new housing projects. The dominant strands in Indian urbanism have not studied caste or religion as a significant factor influencing the politics of space making. Any segregation, as research on race in US cities shows, is detrimental to economic growth, societal equity, and economic mobility, and leads to alienation of communities.The Harvard research found that less residential segregation results in upward social and economic mobility. Residential segregation aggravates existing socio-economic inequality. There is enough empirical evidence to suggest that neighborhoods with more diversity have lower crime rates when compared to homogeneous neighborhoods.Segregation also results in the ghettoization of minority and poor groups, and this aspect of stratification spills over to the next generations. In times of communal violence, it becomes easy to target individuals of a particular group or community — as it happened in Delhi recently.The Los Angeles riots of 1992, for example, were also a result of highly segregated residential neighborhoods with “unequal social and political endowments and economic niches”, as shown by a study conducted by the Rand Corporation.Various studies have shown that people living in heterogeneous neighborhoods are less discriminatory towards people belonging to other races and ethnic groups. If you live in segregated neighborhoods, it is easy to demonize the ‘other’— which often happens to Muslims in India. Previous research showed that many Indian cities are segregated along caste lines. Since the Census of India doesn’t make enumeration block-level data of the religious public, it becomes difficult to study residential segregation along religious lines.Researchers like Raphael Susewind have tried to overcome this lack of data by using polling booth-level data to study the residential segregation of Muslims in Indian cities. In his research study titled ‘Muslims in Indian cities: Degrees of segregation and the elusive ghetto’, Susewind uses a probabilistic algorithm to deduce the religion of the person in the voter list. The findings show that Delhi and Ahmedabad are the most segregated cities for Muslims while Jaipur, Kozhikode, and Lucknow are the least segregated.Lucknow and Jaipur have not experienced communal riots in the past many decades. As scholar Ashutosh Varshney notes, Lucknow’s only major communal riot took place in 1924, and there were no communal riots during India’s partition in 1947, or even during heightened tensions after the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. According to him, the economic integration of Muslims and Hindus in the city is the major reason for the absence of communal riots.Whether economic integration leads to diverse neighborhoods or diverse neighborhoods result in the economic integration of communities requires further research.Q. Which of the following is not true regarding homogenous neighbourhoods?

In light of the recent communal riots in Delhi, it has again become pertinent for policymakers and urban planners to look at urban residential segregation as one of the major factors that precipitate communal violence in India.Neighborhood diversity, for Indian urban planners, mostly meant reserving a few low-income group plots/apartments in new housing projects. The dominant strands in Indian urbanism have not studied caste or religion as a significant factor influencing the politics of space making. Any segregation, as research on race in US cities shows, is detrimental to economic growth, societal equity, and economic mobility, and leads to alienation of communities.The Harvard research found that less residential segregation results in upward social and economic mobility. Residential segregation aggravates existing socio-economic inequality. There is enough empirical evidence to suggest that neighborhoods with more diversity have lower crime rates when compared to homogeneous neighborhoods.Segregation also results in the ghettoization of minority and poor groups, and this aspect of stratification spills over to the next generations. In times of communal violence, it becomes easy to target individuals of a particular group or community — as it happened in Delhi recently.The Los Angeles riots of 1992, for example, were also a result of highly segregated residential neighborhoods with “unequal social and political endowments and economic niches”, as shown by a study conducted by the Rand Corporation.Various studies have shown that people living in heterogeneous neighborhoods are less discriminatory towards people belonging to other races and ethnic groups. If you live in segregated neighborhoods, it is easy to demonize the ‘other’— which often happens to Muslims in India. Previous research showed that many Indian cities are segregated along caste lines. Since the Census of India doesn’t make enumeration block-level data of the religious public, it becomes difficult to study residential segregation along religious lines.Researchers like Raphael Susewind have tried to overcome this lack of data by using polling booth-level data to study the residential segregation of Muslims in Indian cities. In his research study titled ‘Muslims in Indian cities: Degrees of segregation and the elusive ghetto’, Susewind uses a probabilistic algorithm to deduce the religion of the person in the voter list. The findings show that Delhi and Ahmedabad are the most segregated cities for Muslims while Jaipur, Kozhikode, and Lucknow are the least segregated.Lucknow and Jaipur have not experienced communal riots in the past many decades. As scholar Ashutosh Varshney notes, Lucknow’s only major communal riot took place in 1924, and there were no communal riots during India’s partition in 1947, or even during heightened tensions after the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. According to him, the economic integration of Muslims and Hindus in the city is the major reason for the absence of communal riots.Whether economic integration leads to diverse neighborhoods or diverse neighborhoods result in the economic integration of communities requires further research.Q. Which of the following happens to be the findings of Raphael Susewind?

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In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?
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In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? for CLAT 2025 is part of CLAT preparation. The Question and answers have been prepared according to the CLAT exam syllabus. Information about In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? covers all topics & solutions for CLAT 2025 Exam. Find important definitions, questions, meanings, examples, exercises and tests below for In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?.
Solutions for In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? in English & in Hindi are available as part of our courses for CLAT. Download more important topics, notes, lectures and mock test series for CLAT Exam by signing up for free.
Here you can find the meaning of In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? defined & explained in the simplest way possible. Besides giving the explanation of In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer?, a detailed solution for In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? has been provided alongside types of In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. Can you explain this answer? theory, EduRev gives you an ample number of questions to practice In 1968 and 1969 Wilmington was placed under military occupation by the Delaware National Guard for fully nine months after riots following King's assassination. In Promises to Keep, Biden recalls passing "six-foot-tall uniformed white soldiers carrying rifles" on his way to work at a law office every day. He acknowledges that, in the black neighborhoods of East Wilmington, these white soldiers were "prowling" the streets and that "mothers were terrified that their children would make one bad mistake and end up dead." But he then folds their terror into an anecdote about how he got to know black people for the first time while working as a lifeguard in a black district six years earlier.Q. The author of the passage is most likely to agree with which of the following statements:a)It was natural for the black community in Wilmington to react emotionally after the assassination of their prominent leader.b)The rift between the white and the black communities widened in the USA post 1968 and 1969 Wilmington riot.c)John Biden was covertly following the story that unfolded in the aftermath of King's assassination with a sole aim to write a book on it.d)The military occupation of Wilmington was a deliberate projection of white supremacy.Correct answer is option 'A'. 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