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Which one of the following is not a principal Organ of UNO?
  • a)
    Economic and Social Council
  • b)
    Trusteeship Council
  • c)
    International Court of Justice
  • d)
    International Labour Organization
Correct answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer?
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Which one of the following is not a principal Organ of UNO?a)Economic ...
The main organs of the UN are the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council, the International Court of Justice, and the UN Secretariat.
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Weaver sees hypocrisy in the World Bank as a predictable feature in a large international organization especially when viewed using resource dependency (viewing the competitive environment) and sociological institutionalism (the authorising environment). The Banks emphasis on organizational survival and legitimacy shows itself in its interactions with multiple actors in its competitive and authoritarian environments. Many critics of the Bank simply see the Bank as unable to achieve the goals it sets and help its client states. Weaver however launches into an in-depth description of two "worlds"-the Worlds Bank and the Banks World. The former indicates the complex structure of the Bank including its donor states, client states, its private capita markets and the watchdog Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Weavers examination reveals the various pressures exerted on the Bank and the degree of American influence on the bank.In as much as the Bank is pressured from many sides, Weaver notes a strong degree of operational authority and autonomy in the "Banks World". This stems from the complexity of its operations, some which are not open to extensive review. Second the diversity of member states allows the Bank some autonomy and most importantly, the Bank holds a strong monopoly over development related knowledge. This control of ideas is coupled with a technocratic and economic rationality, reinforced with the influx of Western trained neo-classical economists. Bank ideological coherence is also maintained by the editing of reports to align with neoliberal beliefs. It is within these strong intellectual norms that Weaver examines World Bank reforms. Contrary to some critics, the Bank did engage in reforms in the 1990s. The Strategic Compact arose as a need to transform the Bank back as an effort to re-orientate itself as the premier development agency, after external criticism and an internal evaluation. The first aim of streamlining bureaucracy was easily reached however the aim of being more "poverty focused and accountable" came at odds with the technical, economic and apolitical rationality. New efforts such as listening to clients and conducting consultations clashed with the existing approval culture. Overall, changes occurred but still the approval culture remained strong.Similarly, the focus on good governance was not that effective with apolitical stances amongst staff. Furthermore, the dominating neo-liberal mindset resulted in governance issues framed with economic objectives in mind. Just as with the Strategic Compact, Weaver notes that governance reform challenged the Banks conventional method of conducting business. Weaver does qualify that the constant need to placate the demands of various external groups also hampered Bank reform. She however noted that the Bank deep culture will prevent any productive change. Weaver thus delves away from the normal criticism of the World Bank to explain the reasons of Bank actions and activities. She shed a new light noting that such hypocrisy is a tenet in any large international organisation. In order for any improvement to the World Bank, it is not simply the initiation of change but the need to re work the internal settings of one of the worlds most important development groups.It can be inferred that Weavers attitude to the World Bank is best reflected in which of the following statements?

Globalisation and the development of new legal forms and regimes during the past half century have gone hand-in-hand. The term “globalisation”, and even its existence, is contested. However, globalisation is not new, it cannot be reduced merely to market integration, still less to the neo-liberal political and economic project of free trade and open markets, and its ultimate destination is unknown, depending as much on politics and power as economics. Here, it is taken here to mean ‘a process (or set of processes) which embodies a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and transactions – assessed in terms of their extensity, intensity, velocity and impact – generating transcontinental or interregional flows and networks of activity, interaction, and the exercise of power.Among the main shaping factors has been the tremendous growth of multinational companies and international production networks, new technology, changes in the nature and form of work, and the rise of new actors on the international scene. Associated with this transformation have been numerous legal changes, both on a transnational scale and within countries.The early years of the 21 century witness a startling variety of new legal forms and regimes which sometimes differ substantially in nature, content, scale and operation from the largely state-based system of governance of the past several centuries. A multiplicity of other sites of governance complement, supplements, or compete with the State, hence the term ‘governance’ instead of ‘government.While sometimes eroded or even reconfigured, the State remains powerful, if not predominant, with the relative strength of different institutions, norms and dispute resolution processes depending frequently on the specific context.While globalisation thus raises a number of challenges for thinking about law, the sheer volume of published work makes a comprehensive survey impossible here. Mainly we are concerned with the legal effects of economic globalisation, while recognizing that globalisation is not simply economic, and that many aspects of globalisation have implications for law. It focuses primarily on work within the broad fields of sociology of law, international relations and political economy of law, as these are the main disciplinary touchstones of writing on law and globalization. Human rights or law and development are not discussed in detail, because they are dealt with in.Q.The above argument is most parallel in its structure to which of the following?

Weaver sees hypocrisy in the World Bank as a predictable feature in a large international organization especially when viewed using resource dependency (viewing the competitive environment) and sociological institutionalism (the authorising environment). The Bank's emphasis on organizational survival and legitimacy shows itself in its interactions with multiple actors in its competitive and authoritarian environments. Many critics of the Bank simply see the Bank as unable to achieve the goals it sets and help its client states. Weaver however launches into an in-depth description of two "worlds"-the World's Bank and the Bank's World. The former indicates the complex structure of the Bank including its donor states, client states, its private capital markets and the watchdog Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Weaver's examination reveals the various pressures exerted on the Bank and the degree of American influence on the bank.In as much as the Bank is pressured from many sides, Weaver notes a strong degree of operational authority and autonomy in the "Bank's World". This stems from the complexity of its operations, some which are not open to extensive review. Second the diversity of member states allows the Bank some autonomy and most importantly, the Bank holds a strong monopoly over development related knowledge. This control of ideas is coupled with a technocratic and economic rationality, reinforced with the influx of Western trained neo-classical economists. Bank ideological coherence is also maintained by the editing of reports to align with neoliberal beliefs. It is within these strong intellectual norms that Weaver examines World Bank reforms. Contrary to some critics, the Bank did engage in reforms in the 1990s. The Strategic Compact arose as a need to transform the Bank back as an effort to re-orientate itself as the premier development agency, after external criticism and an internal evaluation. The first aim of streamlining bureaucracy was easily reached however the aim of being more "poverty focused and accountable" came at odds with the technical, economic and apolitical rationality. New efforts such as listening to clients and conducting consultations clashed with the existing approval culture. Overall, changes occurred but still the approval culture remained strong.Similarly, the focus on good governance was not that effective with apolitical stances amongst staff.Furthermore, the dominating neo-liberal mindset resulted in governance issues framed with economic objectives in mind. Just as with the Strategic Compact, Weaver notes that governance reform challenged the Bank's conventional method of conducting business.Weaver does qualify that the constant need to placate the demands of various external groups also hampered Bank reform. She however noted that the Bank deep culture will prevent any productive change. Weaver thus delves away from the normal criticism of the World Bank to explain the reasons of Bank actions and activities.She shed a new light noting that such hypocrisy is a tenet in any large international organisation. In order for any improvement to the World Bank, it is not simply the initiation of change but the need to re work the internal settings of one of the world's most important development groups.Q. It can be inferred that Weaver's attitude to the World Bank is best reflected in which of the following statements?

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Which one of the following is not a principal Organ of UNO?a)Economic and Social Councilb)Trusteeship Councilc)International Court of Justiced)International Labour OrganizationCorrect answer is option 'D'. Can you explain this answer?
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