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To know by parts is science, knowing the whole as a whole is philosophy.
  • a)
    Knowledge of parts is science,
  • b)
    Knowing by parts is science,
  • c)
    To know partially is science,
  • d)
    To know by parts is science,
Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
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To know by parts is science, knowing the whole as a whole is philosoph...
Faulty parallelism in all the other options.
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To know by parts is science, knowing the whole as a whole is philosoph...
Understanding the Answer:

In order to explain the answer, let's break down the given statement and analyze it step by step.

The statement suggests that there is a distinction between two ways of knowing: knowing by parts and knowing the whole as a whole. It further suggests that knowing by parts is science, while knowing the whole as a whole is philosophy.

Explanation:

1. Knowledge of parts is science:
This means that when we have knowledge about individual parts or components of a system or subject, it falls under the domain of science. Science often involves breaking down complex phenomena into smaller parts to understand and explain them. By studying the individual parts, we can gain knowledge about their properties, behavior, and interactions.

2. Knowing by parts is science:
This emphasizes the process of acquiring knowledge by studying and understanding the individual parts or components of a system. By examining each part separately, we can gain a deeper understanding of its characteristics and functions. This approach is scientific in nature as it involves systematic observation, experimentation, and analysis.

3. To know by parts is science:
This phrase reiterates the fact that the process of acquiring knowledge by focusing on individual parts or components is considered scientific. It emphasizes that understanding the parts is essential to understanding the whole.

4. Knowing the whole as a whole is philosophy:
This part of the statement suggests that when we aim to comprehend the whole system or subject as a unified entity, it falls under the realm of philosophy. Philosophy is concerned with fundamental questions about existence, knowledge, values, reason, and more. It seeks to understand the underlying principles and interconnectedness of various parts or aspects of reality.

Conclusion:

Based on the given statement, the correct answer is option 'B' - "Knowing by parts is science." This answer encapsulates the idea that acquiring knowledge by focusing on individual parts or components is a scientific approach. Conversely, understanding the whole as a unified entity is considered a philosophical endeavor.
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While many points are worth making in an evaluation of the single sixyear presidential term, one of the most telling points against the single term has not been advanced. This kind of constitutional limitation on elections is generally a product of systems with weak or non-existent political parties.Since there is no party continuity or corporate party integrity in such systems, there is no basis for putting trust in the desire for re-election as a safeguard against mismanagement in the executive branch. Better under those conditions to operate on the basis of negative assumptions against incumbents. I do not know if the earliest proposal for a single, nonrepeatable term was made in the 1820s because that was a period of severely weak political parties. But I do feel confident that this is a major reason, if not the only reason, that such a proposal has been popular since the 1940s.Though the association of the non-repeatable election with weak political parties is not in itself an argument against the limitation, the fallout from this association does contribute significantly to the negative argument. Single-term limitations are strongly associated with corruption. In any weak party system, including the presidential system, the onus of making deals and compromises, both shady and honourable, rests heavily upon individual candidates. Without some semblance of corporate integrity in a party, individual candidates have few opportunities to amortize their obligations across the spectrum of elective and appointive jobs and policy proposals.The deals tend to be personalized and the payoffs come home to roost accordingly. If that situation is already endemic in conditions of weak or nonexistent parties, adding to it the limitation against re-election means that candidates and officials, already prevented from amortizing their deals across space, are also unable to amortize their obligations temporally. This makes for a highly beleaguered situation. The single six-year term for presidents is an effort to compensate for the absence of a viable party system, but it is a compensation ultimately paid for by further weakening the party system itself.Observers, especially foreign observers, have often noted that one source of weakness in American political parties is the certainty of election every two or four years, not only because any artificial limitation on elections is a violation of democratic principles but also because when elections are set in a certain and unchangeable cycle, political parties do not have to remain alert but can disappear into inactivity until a known point prior to the next election. To rigidify matters by going beyond the determinacy of the electoral cycle to add an absolute rule of one term would hang still another millstone around the neck of already doddering political parties. Directions: Read the above paragraph and answer the following:According to the passage, which of the following is most likely to be true of a political system with weak political parties?

While many points are worth making in an evaluation of the single sixyear presidential term, one of the most telling points against the single term has not been advanced. This kind of constitutional limitation on elections is generally a product of systems with weak or non-existent political parties.Since there is no party continuity or corporate party integrity in such systems, there is no basis for putting trust in the desire for re-election as a safeguard against mismanagement in the executive branch. Better under those conditions to operate on the basis of negative assumptions against incumbents. I do not know if the earliest proposal for a single, nonrepeatable term was made in the 1820s because that was a period of severely weak political parties. But I do feel confident that this is a major reason, if not the only reason, that such a proposal has been popular since the 1940s.Though the association of the non-repeatable election with weak political parties is not in itself an argument against the limitation, the fallout from this association does contribute significantly to the negative argument. Single-term limitations are strongly associated with corruption. In any weak party system, including the presidential system, the onus of making deals and compromises, both shady and honourable, rests heavily upon individual candidates. Without some semblance of corporate integrity in a party, individual candidates have few opportunities to amortize their obligations across the spectrum of elective and appointive jobs and policy proposals. The deals tend to be personalized and the payoffs come home to roost accordingly.If that situation is already endemic in conditions of weak or nonexistent parties, adding to it the limitation against re-election means that candidates and officials, already prevented from amortizing their deals across space, are also unable to amortize their obligations temporally. This makes for a highly beleaguered situation. The single six-year term for presidents is an effort to compensate for the absence of a viable party system, but it is a compensation ultimately paid for by further weakening the party system itself.Observers, especially foreign observers, have often noted that one source of weakness in American political parties is the certainty of election every two or four years, not only because any artificial limitation on elections is a violation of democratic principles but also because when elections are set in a certain and unchangeable cycle, political parties do not have to remain alert but can disappear into inactivity until a known point prior to the next election. To rigidify matters by going beyond the determinacy of the electoral cycle to add an absolute rule of one term would hang still another millstone around the neck of already doddering political parties. Directions: Read the above paragraph and answer the following:Q.Which of the following, if true, would most weaken the authors claim about single-term political systems?

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To know by parts is science, knowing the whole as a whole is philosophy.a)Knowledge of parts is science,b)Knowing by parts is science,c)To know partially is science,d)To know by parts is science,Correct answer is option 'B'. Can you explain this answer?
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